Minister of Foreign Affairs under Alexander 1. Ministers of Foreign Affairs of Russia: embassy order and board

Vorontsov Alexander Romanovich(1741-1805) - Minister of Foreign Affairs in 1802-1804. Graduated from the Strasbourg Military School. In 1761 - chargé d'affaires in Austria, in 1762-1764. - Minister Plenipotentiary in England and then in Holland. Subsequently, he held a number of government positions not related to foreign policy (president of the Commerce Collegium, etc.). As a member of the State Council (from 1787) he was one of the leaders foreign policy Russia. Retired from 1792 to 1801. Since 1802 - State Chancellor. He considered his main task to be ensuring Russia's foreign policy independence from France. At the beginning of 1804 he retired due to health reasons.

Czartoryski Adam Jerzy (Adam Adamowicz)(1770-1861) - Minister of Foreign Affairs of Russia in 1804-1806. He belonged to one of the old aristocratic families of Poland. Since 1795 - in Russian service. Soon - adjutant of Grand Duke Alexander Pavlovich, one of his closest advisers. After the coup of 1801 - one of the members of the Secret Committee. Since 1802 - Comrade Minister of Foreign Affairs. Since 1804 - minister. By his own admission, he considered his main task to be the creation of the most favorable conditions for the restoration of Poland's independence. To this end, in 1805 he put forward a project for separating Polish lands from Prussia and Austria with the subsequent annexation of former Polish territories belonging to Russia. Alexander I was to become the Polish king, and a dynastic union was established between Russia and Poland. Alexander I did not reject this project, but the subsequent Russian-Prussian rapprochement made it impossible. This caused Czartoryski's resignation. In 1815 he became part of the provisional government of the Kingdom of Poland. Soon he left him. During the Polish uprising of 1830-1831. took over the post of chairman of the rebel government. After the defeat of the rebels he left for Paris.

Budberg Andrey Yakovlevich(1750-1812) - Minister of Foreign Affairs in 1806-1807. He was known for his anti-French orientation. This largely explains his appointment as minister during a period of maximum aggravation of relations between Russia and France. At his insistence, the Paris Peace Treaty with Napoleon, signed in 1806, was not approved by the State Council. After the conclusion of the Peace of Tilsit with France, he resigned.

Rumyantsev Nikolay Petrovich(1754-1826) - Minister of Foreign Affairs in 1807-1814. He began his diplomatic service as minister plenipotentiary in Frankfurt am Main at the Diet of the Holy Roman Empire and the Electoral District of the Lower Rhine. During the French Revolution he was a mediator between Catherine II and the Bourbons. Under Paul I he was in disgrace. From 1802 to 1808 he served as director of water communications and minister of commerce. His appointment as minister after the conclusion of the Peace of Tilsit was supposed to demonstrate to Napoleon the favorable attitude of Alexander I towards him. In an effort to find points of mutual interests of the two countries, Rumyantsev in 1808 negotiated with the French Ambassador Caulaincourt on the terms of the division of Turkey between the two countries. He was a supporter of rapprochement with France even in the face of a new aggravation of relations with it. In 1809, he negotiated the conclusion of the Peace of Friedrichsham, for which he was awarded the title of chancellor. With the beginning Patriotic War asked for resignation, but received it only after the defeat of France.

Veydemeyer Ivan Andreevich(1752-1820) - manager of the College of Foreign Affairs in 1814-1816. Actual Privy Councilor. Member of the State Council (1810).

Nesselrode Karl Vasilievich(1780-1862) - Minister of Foreign Affairs in 1816-1856. He began his diplomatic career in 1801 as an official of the Russian mission in Berlin, from where he was soon transferred to The Hague, and then again to Berlin and Paris. With the beginning of the Patriotic War, he was in the army under Alexander I. After the resignation of Rumyantsev, he was appointed in 1814 as a rapporteur on the affairs of the foreign department, and in 1816 he was entrusted with heading the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. After his dismissal in 1822, Kapodistrias became the sole head of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. According to his contemporaries, he was not distinguished by his insightful mind and strong character. He broke all records for being the Minister of Foreign Affairs, holding it for 40 years. This was largely explained by the fact that, without having his own line in foreign policy, Nesselrode was an excellent conductor of the ideas of the monarchs, for which he was sometimes called “Kissel-like” with a grin. Nesselrode's biggest foreign policy mistake was an incorrect forecast of the reaction of leading European countries to a possible Russian war against Turkey in the early 50s. He believed that no one would interfere with Russia. As a result, Russia found itself in international isolation and under attack not only from Turkey, but also from England and France, which acted on its side. Immediately after the conclusion of the Paris Peace Treaty, he was dismissed by Alexander II.

Kapodistrias John (John Capo d'Istria)(1776-1831) - second secretary of state, manager of Asian affairs at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 1815-1822. Originally from o. Corfu. Graduated from the University of Padua. State Secretary of the Ionian Republic for Foreign Affairs. After Russia transferred the protectorate over the Ionian Islands to Napoleon (1807), he switched to Russian service. He considered the main task of Russian foreign policy to be the seizure of European possessions from Turkey and the creation of Christian states in the Balkans under Russian protectorate. To neutralize the Anglo-Austrian bloc formed after the Napoleonic wars, he proposed developing allied relations between Russia and France. After resigning, he went to Geneva, and from there to Greece, where he was elected president. During the protests provoked by England and France, he was killed on October 9, 1831.

Gorchakov Alexander Mikhailovich(1798-1883) - Minister of Foreign Affairs in 1856-1882. State Chancellor. Most Serene Prince. One of the largest diplomats of the 19th century. His first diplomatic steps were taken as secretary of the embassy in London (1824), charge d'affaires in Florence (1829), and counselor of the embassy in Vienna (1832). As a representative at the German Confederation (from 1850), he sought to strengthen Russia's influence on the minor German states. He represented Russia at the Vienna Conference of 1855, where, in the conditions of Russia's military defeat in the Crimean War, he bet on the collapse of the Anglo-French alliance. For this purpose, he undertook separate negotiations with France, for which he was condemned by Minister Nesselrode. After the Paris Congress he was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs. His phrase from a directive to Russian ambassadors abroad is widely known: “They say Russia is angry. No, Russia is not angry, it is concentrating.” He managed to drive a wedge into the anti-Russian coalition of European powers. The result of this course was the abandonment of the enslaving articles of the Peace of Paris immediately after the overthrow of Napoleon III. Gorchakov always opposed revolutionary upheavals (the revolution of 1848 in France, the Paris Commune, etc.). With the creation of the German Empire, he became more cautious in relations with Germany. He did not sympathize with the ideas of the “Union of Three Emperors” concluded by the heads of state of Germany, Russia and Austria-Hungary. In 1875, Gorchakov's diplomatic position saved France from new German aggression. During the Russian-Turkish war of 1877-1878. took a hesitant position, believing that Russia was not yet ready to occupy Constantinople and the war could only lead to “half peace.” This position largely determined the decline in Gorchakov’s popularity. In 1879, control of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs passed to Giers. In 1882, Gorchakov received a formal resignation.

Gire Nikolay Karlovich(1820-1895) - Minister of Foreign Affairs in 1882-1895. He began his service in the Asian Department of the Russian Foreign Ministry. In 1850-1875. held various diplomatic posts in the Middle East, and was envoy to Switzerland and Sweden. Since 1875 - manager of the Asian Department, comrade of the Minister of Foreign Affairs. Since 1879, he actually headed the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. In 1882, he officially replaced Gorchakov as minister. He believed that foreign policy is a means of strengthening the internal position of the monarchy. He was the ideologist of the “peaceful decade” of Alexander III. He saw the main means of preserving peace in strengthening the alliance with Germany and Austria-Hungary. Giers's pro-German orientation affected Russia's Balkan (especially Bulgarian) policy. Despite this, Gire was forced to ensure a Franco-Russian rapprochement, which Alexander III considered as the most important instrument for ensuring security in Europe.

Lobanov-Rostovsky Alexey Borisovich(1824-1896) - Minister of Foreign Affairs in 1895-1896. In the diplomatic service since 1844. In 1863 he retired and lived in France. In 1878 he was appointed ambassador to Constantinople. Unlike Gorchakov, he believed that if Russia must make any concessions, then they should be made in favor of Turkey to relieve tensions in relations with it. He was one of the developers of the Treaty of Constantinople of 1879. In 1879-1882. - Ambassador to London, 1882-1895. - in Vienna. Over the years he has become one of the most influential ambassadors of Russia. In 1895 he was appointed ambassador to Berlin. After his death, Girsa became Minister of Foreign Affairs. He was a supporter of shifting the center of gravity in Russian foreign policy from Europe to the Far East. His first steps there brought success - Japan ceded the lease of the Liaodong Peninsula to Russia, and later an agreement was signed on a joint protectorate of Russia and Japan in Korea. However, it was precisely this activity of Russia that spurred Japan to begin preparing for war with it.

Shishkin Nikolay Pavlovich(1830-1902) - Minister of Foreign Affairs of Russia in 1896-1897. From 1852 he worked in the Asian Department of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. In 1857 he was assigned to Paris, in 1859 to Bucharest, in 1861 to Adrianople, and in 1863 to Belgrade. Since 1875 - Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to the United States of America. Since 1880 - in the same post in Greece. Since 1884 he was at the court of the King of Sweden and Norway. Valid privy councilor. Since 1891 - Comrade Minister of Foreign Affairs. From January 14, 1895 - temporary manager of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Since March 24, 1896 - His Majesty's Secretary of State. Headed the ministry in short period from August 19, 1896 to January 1, 1897. Since 1897 - member of the State Council.

Muravyov Mikhail Nikolaevich(1845-1900) - Minister of Foreign Affairs in 1897-1900. He began diplomatic service in 1864 in the office of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Since 1867, he served in Russian missions in Stuttgart, Stockholm, The Hague, Berlin, etc. After the Russian-Turkish War of 1877-1878. was appointed adviser to the embassy in Paris, and in 1884 - in Berlin. Since 1893 - envoy in Copenhagen. On January 1, 1897, he was appointed manager of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and on April 13 of the same year - Minister of Foreign Affairs of Russia. Like Lobanov-Rostovsky, he believed that the center of gravity of Russia’s foreign policy should be shifted to Far East. Concluded an agreement with Austria-Hungary to maintain the status quo in the Balkans. He proposed actively developing Russian expansion into Korea. Under him, Russian warships and troops entered Port Arthur and Dalny. An agreement was concluded with China on the construction of the Chinese Eastern Railway. In 1898, on behalf of Nicholas II, he made a proposal to convene an international conference on disarmament. Negotiated with Spain about Russia's lease of Ceuta (Africa) to counter England. He intensified Russian policy in the Near and Middle East in conditions when England was busy with the war with the Boers. As a result, Russia restored direct relations with Afghanistan and strengthened its positions in Persia and Turkey. He proposed building Russia’s relations with China more carefully and carefully.

On July 2, 1985, Eduard Shevardnadze took office as Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR. The “dilettante” decided to recall some of the minister’s Soviet colleagues.

Vyacheslav Mikhailovich Molotov (party pseudonym, real name- Scriabin) was born on February 25 (March 9), 1890 in the settlement of Kukarka, Kukarsky district, Vyatka province (now the city of Sovetsk, Kirov region) in the family of Mikhail Prokhorovich Scriabin, clerk of the trading house of the merchant Yakov Nebogatikov.

V. M. Molotov spent his childhood years in Vyatka and Nolinsk. In 1902-1908 he studied at the 1st Kazan Real School. In the wake of the events of 1905, he joined the revolutionary movement, and in 1906 he joined the RSDLP. In April 1909, he was first arrested and exiled to the Vologda province.

After serving his exile, in 1911 V. M. Molotov came to St. Petersburg, passed the exams for a real school as an external student and entered the economics department of the Polytechnic Institute. From 1912, he collaborated with the Bolshevik newspaper Zvezda, then became secretary of the editorial board of the newspaper Pravda, and a member of the St. Petersburg Committee of the RSDLP. During the preparation of the publication of Pravda, I met I.V. Stalin.

After the arrest of the RSDLP faction in the IV State Duma in 1914, he hid under the name Molotov. Since the autumn of 1914, he worked in Moscow to recreate the party organization destroyed by the secret police. In 1915, V. M. Molotov was arrested and exiled to the Irkutsk province for three years. In 1916 he escaped from exile and lived illegally.

V. M. Molotov met the February Revolution of 1917 in Petrograd. He was a delegate to the VII (April) All-Russian Conference of the RSDLP (b) (April 24-29, 1917), a delegate to the VI Congress of the RSDLP (b) from the Petrograd organization. He was a member of the Russian Bureau of the Central Committee of the RSDLP (b), the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Council and the Military Revolutionary Committee, which led the overthrow of the Provisional Government in October 1917.

After the establishment of Soviet power, V. M. Molotov was in leading party work. In 1919, he was chairman of the Nizhny Novgorod provincial executive committee, and later became secretary of the Donetsk provincial committee of the RCP (b). In 1920 he was elected secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party (Bolsheviks) of Ukraine.

In 1921-1930, V. M. Molotov served as Secretary of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks. Since 1921, he was a candidate member of the Politburo of the Party Central Committee, and in 1926 he became a member of the Politburo. He actively participated in the fight against the internal party opposition and became one of the close associates of I.V. Stalin.

In 1930-1941, V. M. Molotov headed the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR, and at the same time, since May 1939, he was the People's Commissar of Foreign Affairs of the USSR. An entire era in Soviet foreign policy is associated with his name. V. M. Molotov’s signature is on the non-aggression treaty with Nazi Germany of August 23, 1939 (the so-called “Ribbentrop-Molotov Pact”), assessments of which were and remain ambiguous.

It fell to V. M. Molotov to inform the Soviet people about the attack of Nazi Germany on the USSR on June 22, 1941. The words he said then: “Our cause is just. The enemy will be defeated. Victory will be ours,” entered the history of the Great Patriotic War of 1941-1945.

It was Molotov who informed the Soviet people about the attack of Nazi Germany

During the war years, V. M. Molotov served as First Deputy Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR, Deputy Chairman State Committee defense of the USSR. In 1943 he was awarded the title of Hero of Socialist Labor. V. M. Molotov took an active part in organizing and holding the Tehran (1943), Crimean (1945) and Potsdam (1945) conferences of the heads of government of the three allied powers - the USSR, the USA and Great Britain, at which the main parameters of the post-war structure of Europe were determined.

V. M. Molotov remained as head of the NKID (from 1946 - the USSR Ministry of Foreign Affairs) until 1949, again heading the ministry in 1953-1957. From 1941 to 1957, he simultaneously held the position of First Deputy Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars (since 1946, the Council of Ministers) of the USSR.

At the June plenum of the CPSU Central Committee in 1957, V. M. Molotov spoke out against N. S. Khrushchev, joining his opponents, who were condemned as an “anti-party group.” Together with its other members, he was removed from the leadership of the party and removed from all government posts.

In 1957-1960, V. M. Molotov was the USSR Ambassador to the Mongolian People's Republic, in 1960-1962 he headed the Soviet representative office in International agency By atomic energy in Vienna. In 1962 he was recalled from Vienna and expelled from the CPSU. By order of the USSR Ministry of Foreign Affairs of September 12, 1963, V. M. Molotov was released from work in the ministry due to his retirement.

In 1984, with the sanction of K.U. Chernenko, V.M. Molotov was reinstated in the CPSU while maintaining his party experience.

V. M. Molotov died in Moscow on November 8, 1986 and was buried at the Novodevichy cemetery.

Andrei Yanuaryevich Vyshinsky, a descendant of an old Polish noble family, a former Menshevik, who signed the order for the arrest of Lenin, it would seem, was doomed to fall into the millstones of the system. Surprisingly, instead, he himself came to power, holding the positions of: Prosecutor of the USSR, Prosecutor of the RSFSR, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Rector of Moscow State University.

He owed this largely to his personal qualities, because even his opponents often note his deep education and outstanding oratorical abilities. It is for this reason that Vyshinsky’s lectures and court speeches have always attracted the attention of not only the professional legal community, but also the entire population. His performance was also noted. Already as Minister of Foreign Affairs, he worked from 11 a.m. until 4-5 a.m. the next day.

This is what contributed to his contribution to legal science. At one time, his works on criminology, criminal procedure, theory of state and law, and international law were considered classics. Even now, the concept of sectoral division of the legal system developed by A. Ya. Vyshinsky lies at the foundation of modern Russian jurisprudence.

As Minister, Vyshinsky worked from 11 a.m. until 4-5 a.m. the next day

But nevertheless, A. Ya. Vyshinsky went down in history as the “chief Soviet prosecutor” at the trials of the 1930s. For this reason, his name is almost always associated with the period of the Great Terror. The “Moscow trials” undoubtedly did not comply with the principles of a fair trial. Based on circumstantial evidence, the innocent were sentenced to death or long prison terms.

He was also characterized as an “inquisitor” by the extrajudicial form of sentencing in which he participated—the so-called “two,” officially the Commission of the NKVD of the USSR and the Prosecutor of the USSR. The defendants in this case were deprived of even a formal trial.

However, let me quote Vyshinsky himself: “It would be a big mistake to see the prosecutor’s office’s accusatory work as its main content. the main task the prosecutor's office - to be a guide and guardian of the rule of law."

As Prosecutor of the USSR, his main task was the reform of the prosecutorial and investigative apparatus. The following problems had to be overcome: low education of prosecutors and investigators, staff shortages, bureaucracy, and negligence. As a result, a unique system of supervision over compliance with the law was formed, which the prosecutor's office remains at the present time.

The direction of Vyshinsky’s actions was even of a human rights nature, as far as this was possible in the conditions of totalitarian reality. For example, in January 1936, he initiated a review of cases against collective farmers and representatives of rural authorities convicted of theft in the early 30s. Tens of thousands of them were released.

Less well known are activities aimed at supporting Soviet defense. In numerous speeches and writings, he defended the independence and procedural powers of lawyers, often criticizing his colleagues for neglecting the defense. However, the declared ideals were not realized in practice, if we recall, for example, the “troikas”, which were the opposite of the adversarial process.

The diplomatic career of A. Ya. Vyshinsky is no less interesting. IN last years During his life, he served as the permanent representative of the USSR to the UN. In his speeches, he expressed authoritative opinions on many areas of international politics and international law. His speech on the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights is well known - Vyshinsky foresaw problems with the implementation of the proclaimed rights, which are only now being noticed in the scientific and professional community.

The personality of Andrei Yanuaryevich Vyshinsky is ambiguous. On the one hand, participation in punitive justice. On the other hand, scientific and professional achievements, strong personal qualities, the desire to achieve the ideal of “socialist legality.” It is they who force even Vyshinsky’s most fierce opponent to recognize in him that bearer of the highest values ​​- “a man of his craft.”

We can conclude that it is possible to be one under totalitarianism. This was confirmed by A. Ya. Vyshinsky.

Born into a family of railway workshop workers. After the family moved to Tashkent, he studied first at the gymnasium and then at the secondary school.

In 1926 he graduated from the Faculty of Law of Moscow state university named after M.V. Lomonosov and the Agrarian Faculty of the Institute of Red Professors.

Since 1926 - in the justice authorities, in 1926-1928 he worked as a prosecutor in Yakutia. Since 1929 - on scientific work. In 1933-1935 he worked in the political department of one of the Siberian state farms. After the publication of a number of notable articles, he was invited to the Institute of Economics of the USSR Academy of Sciences. Since 1935 - in the apparatus of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks (Department of Science). As Leonid Mlechin reports, at one of the meetings on scientific issues, Shepilov “allowed himself to object to Stalin.” Stalin suggested that he back down, but Shepilov stood his ground, as a result of which he was expelled from the Central Committee and spent seven months without work.

Since 1938 - Scientific Secretary of the Institute of Economics of the USSR Academy of Sciences.

In the first days of the war, he volunteered to go to the front as part of the Moscow militia, although he had a “reservation” as a professor and the opportunity to go to Kazakhstan as director of the Institute of Economics. From 1941 to 1946 - in Soviet army. He worked his way up from a private to major general, head of the Political Department of the 4th Guards Army.

In 1956, Khrushchev achieved the removal of Molotov from the post of Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR, installing his comrade-in-arms Shepilov in his place. On June 2, 1956, by decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, Shepilov was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR, replacing Vyacheslav Mikhailovich Molotov in this post.

In June 1956, the Soviet Foreign Minister toured the Middle East for the first time in history, visiting Egypt, Syria, Lebanon, and Greece. During negotiations in Egypt with President Nasser in June 1956, he gave secret consent to the USSR to sponsor the construction of the Aswan Dam. At the same time, Shepilov, due to the nature of his previous activities, not being a professional international affairs specialist, was impressed by the truly “pharaonic” reception that the then President of Egypt Nasser gave him, and upon returning to Moscow he managed to convince Khrushchev to speed up the establishment of relations with Arab countries the Middle East as opposed to normalizing relations with Israel. It should be taken into account that during the Second World War almost all political elite countries of the Middle East, one way or another, collaborated with Nazi Germany, and Nasser himself and his brothers then studied at German higher military educational institutions.

Represented the USSR's position on the Suez crisis and the uprising in Hungary in 1956. He headed the Soviet delegation at the London Suez Canal Conference.

Contributed to the normalization of Soviet-Japanese relations: in October 1956, a joint declaration was signed with Japan, ending the state of war. The USSR and Japan exchanged ambassadors.

In its speech at the 20th Congress, the CPSU called for the forcible export of socialism outside the USSR. At the same time, he participated in the preparation of Khrushchev’s report “On the Cult of Personality and Its Consequences,” but the prepared version of the report was significantly changed.

Shepilov called for the forced export of socialism outside the USSR

When Malenkov, Molotov and Kaganovich tried to remove Khrushchev at a meeting of the Presidium of the CPSU Central Committee in June 1957, presenting him with a whole list of accusations, Shepilov suddenly also began to criticize Khrushchev for establishing his own “cult of personality,” although he was never a member of this group. As a result of the defeat of the group of Molotov, Malenkov, Kaganovich at the Plenum of the CPSU Central Committee that followed on June 22, 1957, the formulation “anti-party group of Molotov, Malenkov, Kaganovich and Shepilov who joined them” was born.

There is another, less literary-spectacular explanation for the origins of the formulation using the word “aligned”: a group that would consist of eight members would be awkward to call a “breakaway anti-party group”, since it turned out to be a clear majority, and this would be obvious even to readers of Pravda. To be called "factional schismatics", there had to be no more than seven members of the group; Shepilov was eighth.

It sounds more reasonable to assume that, unlike the seven members of the “anti-party group” - members of the Presidium of the CPSU Central Committee, Shepilov was defined as a “joiner”, since, as a candidate member of the Presidium, he did not have the right to a decisive vote in the voting.

Shepilov was relieved of all party and government posts. Since 1957 - director, since 1959 - deputy director of the Institute of Economics of the Academy of Sciences of the Kyrgyz SSR, in 1960-1982 - archaeographer, then senior archaeographer at the Main Archival Directorate under the USSR Council of Ministers.

Since the cliché “and Shepilov, who joined them,” was actively discussed in the press, a joke appeared: “The longest surname is And Shepilov, who joined them”; when a half-liter bottle of vodka was divided “for three,” the fourth drinking companion was nicknamed “Shepilov,” etc. Thanks to this phrase, the name of the party functionary was recognized by millions of Soviet citizens. Shepilov’s own memoirs are polemically entitled “Non-Aligned”; they are sharply critical of Khrushchev.

Shepilov himself, according to his memoirs, considered the case fabricated. He was expelled from the party in 1962, reinstated in 1976, and in 1991 reinstated in the USSR Academy of Sciences. Retired since 1982.

Of all the Russian and Soviet foreign ministers, only one, Andrei Andreevich Gromyko, served in this post for a legendary length of time - twenty-eight years. His name was well known not only in the Soviet Union, but also far beyond its borders. His position as Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR made him famous throughout the world.

The diplomatic fate of A. A. Gromyko was such that for almost half a century he was at the center of world politics and earned the respect of even his political opponents. In diplomatic circles he was called the “patriarch of diplomacy”, “the most informed foreign minister in the world.” His legacy, despite the fact that the Soviet era is far behind, is still relevant today.

A. A. Gromyko was born on July 5, 1909 in the village of Starye Gromyki, Vetkovsky district, Gomel region. In 1932 he graduated from the Economic Institute, in 1936 - postgraduate study at the All-Russian Scientific Research Institute of Agricultural Economics, Doctor economic sciences(since 1956). In 1939 he was transferred to the People's Commissariat of Foreign Affairs (NKID) of the USSR. By this time, as a result of repressions, almost all the leading cadres of Soviet diplomacy had been destroyed, and Gromyko began to quickly make his career. At less than 30 years old, a native of the Belarusian hinterland with a PhD in Economic Sciences diploma almost immediately after joining the NKID received the responsible post of head of the Department American countries. It was an unusually steep rise, even for those times when careers were created and destroyed overnight. No sooner had the young diplomat settled into his new apartments on Smolenskaya Square than he was summoned to the Kremlin. Stalin, in the presence of Molotov, said: “Comrade Gromyko, we intend to send you to work at the USSR Embassy in the USA as an adviser.” Thus, A. Gromyko became an adviser to the embassy in the United States for four years and at the same time an envoy to Cuba.

In 1946-1949 deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR and at the same time in 1946-1948. fast. Representative of the USSR to the UN, 1949-1952. and 1953-1957 first deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR, in 1952-1953. USSR Ambassador to Great Britain, in April 1957 Gromyko was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR and served in this post until July 1985. Since 1983, First Deputy Chairman of the USSR Council of Ministers. In 1985-1988 Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR.

The diplomatic talent of Andrei Andreevich Gromyko was quickly noticed abroad. The authority of Andrei Gromyko, recognized by the West, was of the highest standard. In August 1947, Times magazine wrote: “As permanent representative Soviet Union In the Security Council, Gromyko does his job at a level of mind-blowing competence.”

At the same time, with the light hand of Western journalists, Andrei Gromyko, as an active participant in the “ cold war”, became the owner of a whole series of unflattering nicknames like “Andrey the Wolf”, “robot misanthrope”, “man without a face”, “modern Neanderthal”, etc. Gromyko became well known in international circles for his eternally dissatisfied and gloomy expression, as well as extremely unyielding actions, for which he received the nickname “Mr. No”. Regarding this nickname, A. A. Gromyko noted: “They heard my “no” much less often than I heard their “know,” because we put forward much more proposals. In their newspapers they called me “Mr. No” because I did not allow myself to be manipulated. Whoever sought this wanted to manipulate the Soviet Union. We are a great power and we won’t allow anyone to do this!”

Thanks to his intransigence, Gromyko received the nickname "Mr. No"

However, Willy Brandt, Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany, noted in his memoirs: “I found Gromyko a more pleasant interlocutor than I imagined him from the stories about this sarcastic “Mr. No.” He gave the impression of a correct and imperturbable person, reserved in a pleasant Anglo-Saxon manner. He knew how to make it clear in an unobtrusive manner how much experience he had.”

A. A. Gromyko adhered extremely firmly to the approved position. “The Soviet Union on the international stage is me,” thought Andrei Gromyko. — All our successes in the negotiations that led to the conclusion of important international treaties and agreements, are explained by the fact that I was firmly convinced and even adamant, especially when I saw that they were talking to me, and therefore to the Soviet Union, from a position of strength or playing cat and mouse. I never fawned over Westerners and after being hit on one cheek, I did not turn the other. Moreover, I acted in such a way that my overly obstinate opponent would have a hard time.”

Many did not know that A. A. Gromyko had a delightful sense of humor. His remarks could include pointed comments that came as a surprise during tense moments when receiving delegations. Henry Kissinger, coming to Moscow, was constantly afraid of eavesdropping by the KGB. Once, during a meeting, he pointed to a chandelier hanging in the room and asked the KGB to make him a copy of American documents, since the Americans’ copying equipment was “out of order.” Gromyko answered him in the same tone that chandeliers were made during the reign of the tsars and they could only contain microphones.

Among most important achievements Andrei Gromyko highlighted four points: the creation of the UN, the development of agreements to limit nuclear weapons, the legalization of borders in Europe and, finally, the recognition of the USSR as a great power.

Few people today remember that the UN was conceived in Moscow. It was here in October 1943 that the Soviet Union, the USA and Great Britain declared that the world needed an organization international security. It was easy to declare, but difficult to do. Gromyko stood at the origins of the UN; the Charter of this organization bears his signature. In 1946, he became the first Soviet representative to the UN and at the same time deputy and then first deputy minister of foreign affairs. Gromyko was a participant and subsequently the head of our country’s delegation at 22 sessions of the UN General Assembly.

“The question of questions,” the “super task,” as A. A. Gromyko himself put it, was for him the process of negotiations to control the arms race, both conventional and nuclear. He went through all the stages of the post-war disarmament epic. Already in 1946, on behalf of the USSR, A. A. Gromyko made a proposal for a general reduction and regulation of weapons and a ban on the military use of atomic energy. Gromyko considered the Test Ban Treaty signed on August 5, 1963 to be a source of special pride. nuclear weapons in the atmosphere, in outer space and under water, negotiations on which have dragged on since 1958.

A. A. Gromyko considered consolidating the results of World War II to be another priority of foreign policy. This is, first of all, a settlement around West Berlin, the formalization of the status quo with the two German states, Germany and the GDR, and then pan-European affairs.

The historical agreements of the USSR (and then Poland and Czechoslovakia) with Germany in 1970-1971, as well as the 1971 quadripartite agreement on West Berlin, required enormous strength, persistence and flexibility from Moscow. How great the personal role of A. A. Gromyko in the preparation of these fundamental documents for peace in Europe is evident from the fact that to develop the text of the Moscow Treaty of 1970, he held 15 meetings with Chancellor W. Brandt’s adviser E. Bar and the same number with the minister Foreign Affairs V. Sheel.

It was they and the previous efforts that cleared the way for détente and the convening of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe. Significance of signed in August 1975 in Helsinki Final Act had a global scale. It was, in essence, a code of conduct for states in key areas of relations, including military-political. Inviolability was secured post-war borders in Europe, to which A. A. Gromyko attached special importance, the prerequisites have been created for strengthening European stability and security.

It was thanks to the efforts of A. A. Gromyko that all the i’s were dotted between the USSR and the USA during the Cold War. In September 1984, at the initiative of the Americans, a meeting between Andrei Gromyko and Ronald Reagan took place in Washington. These were Reagan's first negotiations with a representative Soviet leadership. Reagan recognized the Soviet Union as a superpower. But another statement became even more significant. Let me remind you of the words spoken by the herald of the myth of the “evil empire” after the end of the meeting in the White House: “The United States respects the status of the Soviet Union as a superpower... and we have no desire to change it social system" Thus, Gromyko's diplomacy obtained from the United States official recognition of the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of the Soviet Union.

Thanks to Gromyko, relations between the USSR and the USA were stabilized

Andrei Gromyko carried in his memory many facts that had been forgotten by wide circles of the international community. “Can you imagine,” Andrei Gromyko told his son, “it’s none other than the polished Macmillan, the Prime Minister of Great Britain. Since this was at the height of the Cold War, he makes attacks on us. Well, I would say that the usual UN cuisine is working, with all its political, diplomatic and propaganda techniques. I sit and think about how to respond to these attacks on occasion, during debates. Suddenly, Nikita Sergeevich, who was sitting next to me, bends down and, as I first thought, was looking for something under the table. I even moved away a little so as not to disturb him. And suddenly I see him pull out his shoe and start pounding it on the surface of the table. Frankly speaking, my first thought was that Khrushchev felt ill. But after a moment I realized that our leader was protesting in this way, seeking to embarrass MacMillan. I became all tense and, against my will, began to bang on the table with my fists - after all, I had to somehow support the head of the Soviet delegation. I didn’t look in Khrushchev’s direction, I was embarrassed. The situation was truly comical. And what’s surprising is that you can make dozens of smart and even brilliant speeches, but in decades no one will remember the speaker, Khrushchev’s shoe will not be forgotten.

As a result of almost half a century of practice, A. A. Gromyko developed for himself the “golden rules” of diplomatic work, which, however, are relevant not only for diplomats:

- it is absolutely unacceptable to immediately reveal all your cards to the other side, to want to solve the problem in one fell swoop;

— careful use of summits; poorly prepared, they do more harm than good;

- you cannot allow yourself to be manipulated either by crude or sophisticated means;

— Success in foreign policy requires a realistic assessment of the situation. It is even more important that this reality does not disappear;

— the most difficult thing is to consolidate the real situation through diplomatic agreements and international legal formalization of a compromise;

- constant struggle for initiative. In diplomacy, initiative is The best way protection of state interests.

A. A. Gromyko believed that diplomatic activity is hard work, requiring those who engage in it to mobilize all their knowledge and abilities. The task of a diplomat is “to fight to the end for the interests of his country, without harming others.” "Work across the entire range international relations, to find useful connections between seemingly separate processes,” this thought was a kind of constant in his diplomatic activity. “The main thing in diplomacy is compromise, harmony between states and their leaders.”

In October 1988, Andrei Andreevich retired and worked on his memoirs. He passed away on July 2, 1989. “The State, the Fatherland is us,” he liked to say. “If we don’t do it, no one will.”

Born on January 25, 1928 in the village of Mamati, Lanchkhuti district (Guria).

Graduated from Tbilisi Medical College. In 1959 he graduated from Kutaisi Pedagogical Institute. A. Tsulukidze.

Since 1946, at Komsomol and party work. From 1961 to 1964 he was the first secretary of the district committee of the Communist Party of Georgia in Mtskheta, and then the first secretary of the Pervomaisky district party committee of Tbilisi. In the period from 1964 to 1972 - First Deputy Minister for the Protection of Public Order, then - Minister of Internal Affairs of Georgia. From 1972 to 1985 - First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Georgia. In this post, he carried out a highly publicized campaign against the shadow market and corruption, which, however, did not lead to the eradication of these phenomena.

In 1985-1990 - Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR, from 1985 to 1990 - member of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee. Deputy of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR 9–11 convocations. In 1990-1991 - people's deputy THE USSR.

In December 1990, he resigned “in protest against the impending dictatorship” and in the same year left the ranks of the CPSU. In November 1991, at the invitation of Gorbachev, he again headed the USSR Ministry of Foreign Affairs (called at that time the Ministry of Foreign Relations), but after the collapse of the USSR a month later this position was abolished.

Shevardnadze was one of Gorbachev's associates in pursuing the policy of perestroika

In December 1991, the Minister of Foreign Relations of the USSR E. A. Shevardnadze was one of the first among the leaders of the USSR to recognize the Belovezhskaya Agreements and the upcoming demise of the USSR.

E. A. Shevardnadze was one of M. S. Gorbachev’s associates in pursuing the policy of perestroika, glasnost and détente.

Sources

1. http://firstolymp.ru/2014/05/28/andrej-yanuarevich-vyshinskij/
2. http://krsk.mid.ru/gromyko-andrej-andreevic

Leonid Mikhailovich Mlechin

Ministry of Foreign Affairs Ministers of Foreign Affairs. Russian foreign policy. From Lenin and Trotsky to Putin and Medvedev

Preface

Sergei Viktorovich Lavrov is only the fourteenth Minister of Foreign Affairs since October 1917. For comparison: there have been more than twenty ministers of internal affairs and heads of state security over these decades.

Among the minister-diplomats were three academicians (Evgeny Primakov, Vyacheslav Molotov and Andrei Vyshinsky) and one corresponding member of the Academy of Sciences (Dmitry Shepilov). There were brilliantly educated people and those who did not know at all foreign languages and before his appointment as minister, he had almost never been abroad. Two of them held office twice - Vyacheslav Molotov and Eduard Shevardnadze. The shortest ministers were Boris Pankin - less than three months, Leon Trotsky - five months and Dmitry Shepilov - eight and a half months. Andrei Gromyko has lived the longest - twenty-eight years.

Three were excluded from the history of diplomacy for a long time: Trotsky, Vyshinsky and Shepilov. The fourth - Molotov - was crossed out of history by some with curses, while others were triumphantly returned.

Sir Henry Wotton, a British poet and diplomat, wrote on the flyleaf of a book in 1604 his widely accepted definition of a diplomat: “A good man sent abroad to tell lies in the name of his country.” This definition turns the diplomat into just a performer.

All ministers insist that the development of foreign policy is the prerogative of the first person, that they only carry out the will of the Secretary General or the President. But this is deceit. The personality of the minister has a decisive influence on policy formation. Molotov brought dogmatism and stubbornness to politics that Stalin did not have. Shevardnadze went further than Gorbachev in partnership with the West. Under the same president, Yeltsin, Kozyrev tried to make Russia an ally of the West, but Primakov abandoned this line.

Eduard Shevardnadze ceased to be a minister because the state itself - the Soviet Union - disappeared. Dmitry Shepilov resigned from the post of minister for promotion - secretary of the Central Committee. Andrei Gromyko briefly occupied the high but powerless position of chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR. Yevgeny Primakov, to the applause of the State Duma, moved from the post of minister directly to the chair of the head of government. Molotov made the opposite journey: he moved from the post of Chairman of the Council of Ministers to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

Eleven of the fourteen ministers were subjected to harsh criticism: some while still in office, others after resignation or even after death. Some of them are cursed as monsters and demons to this day. The exception is Evgeny Primakov. As a minister, he gained even more supporters and admirers.

Of the fourteen people's commissars and ministers, eight were dismissed or resigned due to dissatisfaction with their work. The owners of the Department of Internal Affairs suffered a more terrible fate - six were shot, two committed suicide; Five of the Lubyanka leaders were shot, others went to prison or fell into disgrace. God has had mercy on foreign ministers. For some reason, Stalin did not destroy even Maxim Litvinov, whose life hung by a thread.

Today life has become simpler. Resigned from the post of minister (obviously not because of at will) Igor Ivanov remains a prominent figure. But in a certain sense, you can sympathize with all the characters in this book.

The famous historian Evgeny Viktorovich Tarle once visited the no less famous lawyer Anatoly Fedorovich Koni. Kony complained about his old age. Tarle said:

Why, Anatoly Fedorovich, it’s a sin for you to complain. Vaughn Briand is older than you, and still hunts tigers.

Aristide Briand was the Prime Minister of France and Minister of Foreign Affairs in the 19th century.

Yes,” Kony answered melancholy, “he feels good.” Brian hunts tigers, and here the tigers hunt us.

The reader will quickly see that this book is dedicated not only to people's commissars and foreign ministers, foreign policy and diplomacy. This is another look at the history of our country from 1917 to the present day...

Part one

FOREIGN POLICY AND REVOLUTION

LEO DAVIDOVITCH TROTSKY: “REVOLUTION DOES NOT NEED DIPLOMACY”

On one October Sunday in 1923, the Chairman of the Revolutionary Military Council of the Republic, People's Commissar for Military and Naval Affairs, Politburo member Lev Davidovich Trotsky went hunting, got his feet wet and caught a cold.

« “I fell ill,” he wrote in his autobiographical book. - After the influenza, some kind of cryptogenic temperature appeared. Doctors forbade me to get out of bed. So I lay there the rest of the fall and winter. This means that I missed the 1923 debate against « Trotskyism» . You can foresee revolution and war, but you cannot foresee the consequences of the autumn duck hunt».

The disease really turned out to be fatal. Trotsky went on the hunt that ended so sadly for him in the role of the second man in the country, whose popularity was comparable to Lenin’s. When he recovers in a few months, he will discover that he has become a persecuted oppositionist, deprived of power and surrounded by irreconcilable enemies. And all this, according to Trotsky, happened because an unknown illness unsettled him.

Doctors prescribed bed rest for the chairman of the Revolutionary Military Council, and he was diligently treated. While the party apparatus was being raised to fight against « Trotskyism» Lev Davidovich was in a sanatorium near Moscow and, preoccupied with his illness, had little understanding of the changes taking place in the country. Well, really, what can you demand from a person who has been tormented? heat, who is forced to limit his communication to the circle of Kremlin doctors?

It is not difficult, however, to notice the striking contrast between Trotsky and Lenin: already terminally ill, Vladimir Ilyich, despite the strictest prohibitions from doctors, tried to participate in the political life of the country and influence it. Trotsky, having fallen ill, decisively withdraws from all affairs, reflects, remembers, writes. Lenin is eager to get down to business. Trotsky willingly accepts doctors' recommendations: rest and treatment.

The Bolshevik leaders, compensating for the difficulties and inconveniences of their former life, quickly mastered the advantages of their new position. They were treated abroad, mainly in Germany, went to sanatoriums, and went on long vacations. And they did not argue when doctors, who keenly sensed the moods of their high-ranking patients, prescribed them to rest in comfortable conditions.

TASS DOSSIER. On May 18, 2018, Russian President Vladimir Putin signed a decree appointing Sergei Lavrov as Minister of Foreign Affairs (MFA) of the Russian Federation.

After the collapse of the USSR and the signing of the agreement on the formation of the Union Independent States On December 8, 1991, the leadership of Russian foreign policy passed from the Union Ministry of Foreign Affairs to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the RSFSR (created in 1944, until 1991 it dealt with issues of residents of the republic traveling abroad). Since 1990 Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs headed by four ministers. As of May 18, 2018, Sergei Lavrov was in office the longest - 5 thousand 183 days. Yevgeny Primakov had the shortest term as minister - 976 days.

The editors of TASS-DOSSIER have prepared material about the leaders of the ministry since 1990.

Andrey Kozyrev (1990-1996)

Andrey Kozyrev (born 1951), graduated from the Moscow State Institute of International Relations of the USSR Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Candidate of Historical Sciences (1977). Since 1974 he worked in central office USSR Ministry of Foreign Affairs, since 1986 - was an adviser, head of department, deputy head, head of department international organizations foreign policy department. From October 11, 1990 to January 5, 1996 - Minister of Foreign Affairs of the RSFSR (from December 25, 1991 - Russian Federation) in the governments of Ivan Silaev, Boris Yeltsin, Yegor Gaidar and Viktor Chernomyrdin. In December 1991, together with Sergei Shakhrai, Yegor Gaidar and Gennady Burbulis, he represented the RSFSR in working group, which prepared the Belovezhskaya Agreement on the termination of the existence of the USSR and the formation of the CIS. He took part in the creation of the election bloc "Russia's Choice". In 1993-2000 - Deputy of the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the 1st - 3rd convocations. He was a member of the presidium of the Russian Jewish Congress, a member of the board of directors, vice president of the American corporation ICN Pharmaceuticals, senior partner of the investment company Global Strategic Ventures, and headed the board of directors of Investtorgbank. Currently lives in Miami (Florida, USA).

Evgeny Primakov (1996-1998)

Evgeny Primakov (1929-2015), graduate of the Arabic department of the Moscow Institute of Oriental Studies. Doctor of Economic Sciences (1969), Academician of the USSR Academy of Sciences (1979). Since 1956, he worked in the Arabic editorial office of the State Committee for Radio Broadcasting and Television under the Council of Ministers of the USSR, and since 1965, he was a correspondent for the newspaper Pravda in the Middle East. Since 1970 he was deputy director, in 1985-1989 - director of the Institute of World Economy and International Relations of the USSR Academy of Sciences. At the end of the 1980s. Yevgeny Primakov began his political career and became one of the prominent figures in Gorbachev’s “perestroika.” In 1989, he was elected as a candidate member of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee, and was a member of the Central Committee Commission on International Politics. At the same time, he headed one of the chambers of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, and was an academician - secretary of the economics department of the USSR Academy of Sciences. From 1990 to 1991, he was a member of the Presidential Council of the USSR, responsible for foreign policy, and negotiated with Iraqi President Saddam Hussein on the issue of the withdrawal of Iraqi troops from Kuwait. He was also an assistant to USSR President Mikhail Gorbachev in relations with the G7. From September to December 1991, he headed Soviet foreign intelligence - the First Main Directorate of the KGB, then the Central Intelligence Service of the USSR. After the collapse of the USSR in 1991-1996. was director of the Foreign Intelligence Service of the Russian Federation. On January 9, 1996, he was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs; he held this post in the governments of Viktor Chernomyrdin and Sergei Kiriyenko. Yevgeny Primakov was the first to put forward the idea of ​​strengthening cooperation in the format of the Russia-India-China troika, which launched the process of forming BRICS, and opposed the tightening of sanctions against Yugoslavia and NATO intervention plans in this country. On September 11, 1998, he left the Foreign Ministry and headed the Russian government. After resigning from the post of prime minister in May 1999, he became the leader of the Fatherland - All Russia (OVR) electoral bloc, together with Yuri Luzhkov and ex-governor of St. Petersburg Vladimir Yakovlev. In December 1999, he was elected to the State Duma of the third convocation on the OVR list. At the same time, he officially announced his intention to run for the presidency of Russia in 2000. However, in February 2000, he refused to participate in the elections. In December 2001, he became president of the Chamber of Commerce and Industry of the Russian Federation, ending his parliamentary powers ahead of schedule. He held this post until 2011. He died on June 26, 2015 in Moscow.

Igor Ivanov (1998-2004)

Igor Ivanov (born 1945), graduated from the translation department of the Moscow state institute foreign languages M. Thorez. Doctor of Historical Sciences (2005). Since 1969, he was a research fellow at the Institute of World Economy and International Relations of the USSR Academy of Sciences. Since 1973, he worked in the central office and foreign missions of the USSR Ministry of Foreign Affairs; in the 1980s. was an adviser at the Embassy of the Soviet Union in Spain, assistant to Foreign Minister Eduard Shevardnadze. After the collapse of the USSR, he headed the Russian embassy in Spain, and from December 1993 he became First Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation. On September 11, 1998, he was appointed head of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. He retained his post as part of the governments of Yevgeny Primakov, Sergei Stepashin, Vladimir Putin, Mikhail Kasyanov and Mikhail Fradkov. Under the leadership of Ivanov, the Concept of Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation (2000) was developed and adopted. In March 2004, he resigned as head of the Foreign Ministry. In 2004-2007 - Secretary of the Security Council of the Russian Federation. Then he headed the strategy and investment committee of the oil and gas company Lukoil. Was the director Russian Center Asia-Pacific Research economic cooperation at Russian Academy National economy And civil service under the President of the Russian Federation. Currently, he is the President of the Russian International Affairs Council.

Sergey Lavrov (2004 - present)

Sergei Lavrov (born 1950), graduated from the eastern department of the Faculty of International Relations of the Moscow State Institute of International Relations under the USSR Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Since 1972, he worked at the USSR Embassy in Sri Lanka, then in the department of international organizations of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. From 1981 to 1988 - First Secretary, Advisor, Senior Advisor at the Permanent Mission of the Soviet Union to the UN in New York. At the time of the collapse of the USSR, he held the position of head of the department of international organizations, and in April 1992 he was appointed Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation Andrei Kozyrev. From 1994, he headed the Russian Permanent Mission to the UN in New York for ten years. On March 9, 2004, he replaced Igor Ivanov as Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation. He retained his post in the governments of Mikhail Fradkov, Viktor Zubkov, Vladimir Putin and Dmitry Medvedev..

Russian foreign ministers since 1991 have been different people, who defended various ideas about what role Russia should play in world politics. The first of them - Andrei Kozyrev - advocated cooperation with Western countries, but subsequent ministers sought to defend, first of all,.

Over the past twenty-seven years, the post of minister responsible for external relations states, in our country there were successively occupied by four people:

• Andrey Kozyrev (1991 - 1996);
• Evgeny Primakov (1996 - 1998);
• Igor Ivanov (1998 - 2004);
• Sergey Lavrov (2004 – present).

In 1974, the future minister graduated from MGIMO and began diplomatic career from the post of assistant at the Department of International Organizations of the USSR Ministry of Foreign Affairs. At the same time, he wrote and defended his PhD thesis on the role of the UN in politics. In 1990, the diplomat became the head of the Department, where he worked for many years. After the resignation, Shevardnadze took over the post of Minister of Foreign Affairs.

Andrei Kozyrev was known as a liberal-minded minister who had sympathy for the United States. According to him, during his first visit to this country he was shocked by the number of cars owned by ordinary Americans and their supermarkets.

The minister participated in the development of an agreement on the abolition of the USSR and its replacement with the CIS. During the events of 1993, he supported Boris Yeltsin and his actions. Kozyrev tried to establish allied relations with former rival countries, especially the United States.

In 1996, the politician left the post of minister. Was a deputy for some time State Duma, and later focused on international business. Since 2012 former minister lives in the USA. He willingly gives interviews in which he criticizes Russia's current policies. Kozyrev expresses confidence in the impending collapse of the “anti-Western” regime of modern Russian Federation.

Yevgeny Maksimovich Primakov is deservedly considered one of the most worthy politicians in our country after 1991. He managed to combine government and scientific activities.

Belonging to an older generation than many of his colleagues, he received a diplomatic education at the predecessor of MGIMO, the Moscow Institute of Oriental Studies, which closed in 1954. Later, he was a graduate student at the economics department of the country's leading university (MSU) and defended his PhD in economics, and in 1969, his doctorate.

In the 1960s, Evgeniy Maksimovich wrote a lot of journalistic articles about the Middle East and traveled around the region. In the first half of the 1990s, Primakov was responsible for foreign intelligence issues of our country.

In 1996, Primakov took over the post from Minister Kozyrev. It was negatively received by politicians in other countries. Primakov continued to use his predecessor’s term “partnership” in relation to Western countries, but began to add “equal” to it. In 1997, he advocated sanctions against the Baltic countries in response to the oppression of the Russian-speaking population. In 1998, Evgeny Maksimovich became the head of the government, and Igor Ivanov received the ministerial portfolio.

Igor Ivanov was educated at the Moscow Institute of Foreign Languages ​​in 1969 and began working as a research fellow at the Institute of World Economy and International Relations. Four years later he joined the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

Over the course of seventeen years, he built a successful diplomatic career and in 1995 served as Russia's Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to Spain. After this, the diplomat became Yevgeny Primakov’s deputy. In 1998, Primakov headed the government, and Ivanov took the post of Minister of Foreign Affairs.

After six years in a high post, Igor Sergeevich continued to work in the diplomatic field. Until 2007, he was a member of the Russian Security Council. Since 2011, he has headed the Russian International Affairs Council.

Like many Soviet and Russian diplomats, Sergei Viktorovich was educated at MGIMO (in the eastern department). His first assignment was Sri Lanka. Therefore, in addition to the usual European languages ​​for a diplomat, Lavrov knows the Sinhala language, which is spoken by the largest population of the island.

From 1992 to 1994, Sergei Lavrov served as deputy to Kozyrev, who then served as minister. He later served as our country’s permanent representative to the UN for ten years. In 2004, he received the post of Minister of Foreign Affairs and was reappointed to it several times. In this position, Sergei Viktorovich defends the national interests of Russia. He is known for his strong stance when dealing with foreign diplomats. In Europe and the United States, Lavrov is sometimes called the “second Gromyko” due to the minister’s tough position in the negotiations.

Today Sergei Lavrov is one of the most respected by ordinary citizens Russian politicians together with Vladimir Putin and Timur Shoigu. Lifestyle gets media attention Russian diplomat. Despite the passing years, the minister maintains contacts with his almamater - MGIMO. He is a member of the institute’s board of trustees and regularly participates in New Year’s skits.

Sergei Viktorovich writes poetry and is interested in poetry. He became the author of the MGIMO anthem. In recent months, Lavrov’s congratulatory poems addressed to the recently deceased Vitaly Churkin, where Sergei Viktorovich speaks warmly and respectfully about his diplomatic colleague, have become popular online. Despite his age, the minister is interested in sports - in particular, rafting and football. In addition to sports, the diplomat loves expensive cigars; there are several comical episodes of how Lavrov put colleagues in their place who tried to prohibit him from smoking in their presence.

Since 1991, the Ministers of Foreign Affairs of Russia have reflected the policy of the President of Russia in their activities. Kozyrev, in his desire to cooperate with, largely reflected the position of the entire top leadership of the Russian Federation. With the rise of Russia in the late 1990s, the country is reasserting itself as a serious force on the world stage. And the position of its ministers is becoming firmer.