Who was the foreign minister c. Leonid Mlechin - MFA. Ministers of Foreign Affairs. Russian foreign policy: from Lenin and Trotsky to Putin and Medvedev

On September 8/20, 1802, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was formed by the Manifesto of Emperor Alexander I. With its creation, the CFA did not cease to exist, but gradually all the most important political issues were transferred to the jurisdiction of various departments of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The Collegium was finally abolished in 1832. The First Minister of Foreign Affairs A.R. Vorontsov formed a temporary office, which was initially divided into 4 expeditions engaged in political correspondence. Later, in 1806, a new structure of the Minister's Office was established. A number of new departments appeared in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, including the Expedition of Consular Affairs, the Educational Department of Oriental Languages, the Internal Economic Department, the Department of Internal Relations, the Department of External Relations, etc.

By 1816, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs acquired a clear structure, which remained stable until the 40s of the 19th century. The head of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was the second person after the emperor in public administration- Minister of Foreign Affairs with the rank of Chancellor. Two state secretaries of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs were appointed as deputy or assistant ministers. Officials were assigned ranks in accordance with international classification established by the Congress of Vienna (1815). The diplomatic ranks adopted in 1815 existed in Russia until October 1917. The Central Office of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs included: the Chancellery, the Department of Internal Relations (which was in charge of all political and consular affairs, as well as issues relating to Russian citizens); Asian Department and Department of Personnel and Economic Affairs. The Central Office of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, along with three departments, also included the Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Commission for the Publication of State Letters and Treaties, and the editorial offices of the official publications of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Russian and French.

Foreign divisions were: Russian embassies in the great powers, missions, residencies in small and dependent eastern countries, general consulates, consulates, vice-consulates and consular agencies.

N.P. Rumyantsev

Rumyantsev Nikolay Petrovich (3.04.1754-3.01.1826), Count, statesman, diplomat Under Alexander I, Rumyantsev in 1802 took the post of Minister of Commerce and chief director of "water communications and a commission on the arrangement of roads in Russia." These duties were supplemented in 1807 by the management of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Becoming chairman of the State Council in 1810 (since 1801 he was a member), he continued to lead both ministries, transferring control of communications to Prince Georg of Oldenburg in 1809. In the same year, Rumyantsev received the title of State Chancellor for his activities in concluding the Friedrichsham Peace with Sweden and annexing Finland. In 1812, at the news of Napoleon's speech against Russia, Rumyantsev had an apoplexy, and in 1814 he retired.

I.A. Kapodistria

Kapodistria Ivan Antonovich (February 11, 1776 - October 9, 1831) - statesman, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Russia.

In 1803-06 Secretary of State for foreign affairs Republic of the Seven United Islands (Ionian Republic), created in 1800 during the Archipelago expeditions of the Russian fleet. After the transfer, according to the Peace of Tilsit, of the Russian protectorate over the Ionian Islands to the French, Kapodistrias was invited to the Russian service in May 1808 and arrived in St. Petersburg in January 1809.

In May 1809, with the rank of State Councilor, he was assigned to the Collegium of Foreign Affairs.

Since August 1811 supernumerary secretary of the Russian embassy in Vienna.

Since June 1812, he was in charge of the diplomatic office of the commander-in-chief of the Danube army, Admiral P.V. Chichagov.

In 1813 he managed the diplomatic office of General of Infantry M.B. Barclay de Tolly. After the battle of Leipzig at the end of 1813, on behalf of Emperor Alexander I, he was sent on a diplomatic mission to Switzerland, managed to ensure its neutrality at the final stage of the campaign against Napoleon I.

In 1814-15 the Russian envoy to Switzerland. Status at gr. A.K. Razumovsky, participated in the work of the Vienna Congress; showed great diplomatic skills, speaking as a worthy opponent of the Austrian Minister of Foreign Affairs, Prince. K. Metternich.

In August 1815 he was appointed secretary of state for foreign affairs.

In 1816-22, together with c. KV Nesselrode headed the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (he was in charge of Russia's diplomatic relations with the countries of the East, relations with the Slavic peoples). During these years, Kapodistrias enjoyed the special confidence of Emperor Alexander I, was his closest adviser in Balkan affairs, accompanied the emperor to the congresses of the "Holy Alliance" in Aachen (1818) and Troppau (1820); did a lot to improve Russian-French relations, opposed Russia's participation in the suppression of the uprising in Naples. He advocated the liberation from the yoke of Turkey of its European possessions, for the creation of a number of Christian states in the Balkans under the auspices of Russia.

September 8/20, 1802 The Manifesto of Emperor Alexander I formed Ministry of Foreign Affairs. With its creation, the CFA did not cease to exist, but gradually all the most important political issues were transferred to the jurisdiction of various departments of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The College was finally abolished in 1832.

First Minister of Foreign Affairs A.R. Vorontsov formed a temporary office, which was initially divided into 4 expeditions engaged in political correspondence. Later, in 1806, a new structure of the Minister's Office was established. A number of new departments appeared in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, including the Expedition of Consular Affairs, the Educational Department of Oriental Languages, the Internal Economic Department, the Department of Internal Relations, the Department of External Relations, etc.

By 1816, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs acquired a clear structure, which remained stable until the 40s of the 19th century. The head of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was the second person in state administration after the emperor - the minister of foreign affairs with the rank of chancellor. Two state secretaries of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs were appointed as deputy or assistant ministers. Officials were assigned ranks in accordance with the international classification established by the Congress of Vienna (1815). The diplomatic ranks adopted in 1815 existed in Russia until October 1917.

The central apparatus of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs included: the Chancellery, the Department of Internal Relations (which was in charge of all political and consular affairs, as well as issues relating to Russian citizens); Asian Department and Department of Personnel and Economic Affairs. The Central Office of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, along with three departments, also included the Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Commission for the Publication of State Letters and Treaties, and the editorial offices of official publications of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Russian and French.

Foreign divisions were: Russian embassies in the great powers, missions, residencies in small and dependent eastern countries, general consulates, consulates, vice-consulates and consular agencies.

In 1846, at the suggestion of the Chancellor K.V.Nesselrode The "Establishment of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs" (Regulations on the Ministry of Foreign Affairs) was adopted, which determined the new structure and functions of the Ministry. According to Article 1 of the "Institutions" - "The Ministry of Foreign Affairs is subject to: political relations with foreign states, petition for the legal protection of Russian citizens in foreign lands and assistance in satisfying the just harassment of foreigners in their affairs in Russia." Article 4 fixed the structure of the MFA.

As a result of the Crimean War (1853-1856) international position Russia is seriously aggravated. In this difficult period for Russia in 1856, the Foreign Ministry headed A.M. Gorchakov, whose name is associated with major achievements in the international arena, as well as the reorganization of the department itself. Gorchakov's famous circulars of 1856, which outlined the foundations of Russia's foreign policy, and 1870, which declared that Russia no longer considers itself bound by the terms of the Paris Peace Treaty, which limited its sovereign rights in the Black Sea, have gone down in history.

In 1868, a new "Institution of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs" was put into operation, and the staff of the central departments of the department was also changed towards reduction. If in 1839 there were 535 officials on the staff of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, then under Gorchakov only 134 staff posts were left. At the same time, the departments were given the right to have "to strengthen their means" officials above the staff.

By the 90s of the XIX century. in connection with the complication of foreign policy tasks, the need for a structural transformation of the Ministry has again become urgent. In November 1895, a member of the Council of the Ministry, a well-known international lawyer F.F. Martens prepared a plan for the reorganization of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, taking into account the experience of the diplomatic departments of Western European countries, but this project was not carried out.

Only after his appointment in May 1906 as Minister of Foreign Affairs A.P. Izvolsky The Ministry of Foreign Affairs carried out another reform that lasted for several years in order to modernize the structure of the department in accordance with the new political conditions created by the revolution of 1905 and the convocation of the State Duma.

In particular, then the Press Department was created, whose duties included monitoring the publications of Russian and foreign press on international topics and "give public opinion explanations regarding the activities of the ministry".

By 1913, Russia had created an extensive network of diplomatic and consular missions abroad. So, if in 1758 there were 11 Russian foreign missions, in 1868 - 102, in 1897 - 147, in 1903 - 173, then by the beginning of the First World War, Russia maintained diplomatic relations with 47 countries and had more than 200 representations abroad.

In 1914, under Minister S. D. Sazonov, a bill was approved on the new states of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which was not implemented due to the outbreak of the First World War. The complication and expansion of the tasks and functions of the ministry in wartime led to the need to make changes to the structure of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the work of its foreign missions. A new subdivision appeared - the Legal Counseling Unit, in December 1915 a Special Department of Prisoners of War was created, and in April 1916 an Informative Department with the aim of obtaining and developing information "on the development of political thought in foreign countries". To maintain constant contact with the Headquarters of the Supreme Commander, the Diplomatic Office was created.

Used materials from the website of the Historical and Documentary Department of the Russian Foreign Ministry

Vorontsov Alexander Romanovich(1741-1805) - Minister of Foreign Affairs in 1802-1804. He graduated from the Strasbourg military school. In 1761 - chargé d'affaires in Austria, in 1762-1764. - Minister Plenipotentiary in England, and then in Holland. Subsequently, he held a number of government posts not related to foreign policy (president of the Commerce Collegium, etc.). As a member of the State Council (from 1787) he was one of the leaders of Russia's foreign policy. Retired from 1792 to 1801. Since 1802 - State Chancellor. He considered his main task to ensure the foreign policy independence of Russia from France. In early 1804 he retired for health reasons.

Czartoryski Adam Jerzy (Adam Adamovich)(1770-1861) - Minister of Foreign Affairs of Russia in 1804-1806. He belonged to one of the old aristocratic families in Poland. Since 1795 - in the Russian service. Soon - adjutant of the Grand Duke Alexander Pavlovich, one of his closest advisers. After the coup of 1801 - one of the members of the Unspoken Committee. Since 1802 - Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs. From 1804 - minister. By his own admission, his main task was to create the most favorable conditions for the restoration of Poland's independence. To this end, in 1805, he put forward a project of separating Polish lands from Prussia and Austria with the subsequent annexation of the former Polish territories that belonged to Russia. Alexander I was to become the Polish king, and a dynastic union was established between Russia and Poland. Alexander I did not reject this project, but the ensuing Russian-Prussian rapprochement made it impossible. This caused Czartoryski's resignation. In 1815 he became a member of the provisional government of the Kingdom of Poland. Soon left him. During the Polish uprising of 1830-1831. took over as chairman of the rebel government. After the defeat of the rebels, he left for Paris.

Budberg Andrei Yakovlevich(1750-1812) - Minister of Foreign Affairs in 1806-1807. He was known for his anti-French orientation. This largely explains his appointment as a minister during the period of maximum aggravation of relations between Russia and France. At his insistence, the Treaty of Paris signed with Napoleon in 1806 was not approved by the State Council. After the conclusion of the Tilsit peace with France, he resigned.

Rumyantsev Nikolay Petrovich(1754-1826) - Minister of Foreign Affairs in 1807-1814. He began his diplomatic service as Minister Plenipotentiary in Frankfurt am Main at the Diet of the Holy Roman Empire and the Electoral District of the Lower Rhine. During the French Revolution, he was an intermediary between Catherine II and the Bourbons. Under Paul I was in disgrace. From 1802 to 1808 he served as director of water communications and minister of commerce. His appointment as minister after the conclusion of the Treaty of Tilsit was supposed to demonstrate to Napoleon the benevolent attitude of Alexander I towards him. In an effort to find points of mutual interest between the two countries, Rumyantsev in 1808 negotiated with the French ambassador Caulaincourt on the conditions for dividing Turkey between the two countries. He was a supporter of rapprochement with France, even in the face of a new aggravation of relations with her. In 1809 he negotiated the Friedrichsham peace, for which he was awarded the title of Chancellor. Since the beginning Patriotic War asked for his resignation, but received it only after the defeat of France.

Veydemeyer Ivan Andreevich(1752-1820) - manager of the College of Foreign Affairs in 1814-1816. Active Privy Councillor. Member of the State Council (1810).

Nesselrode Karl Vasilievich(1780-1862) - Minister of Foreign Affairs in 1816-1856. diplomatic career began in 1801 as an official of the Russian mission in Berlin, from where he was soon transferred to The Hague, and then again to Berlin and Paris. With the outbreak of World War II, he was in the army, under Alexander I. After the resignation of Rumyantsev, he was appointed in 1814 as a rapporteur on foreign affairs, and in 1816 he was instructed to head the Foreign Ministry. After his dismissal in 1822, Kapodistrias became the sole head of the Foreign Ministry. According to contemporaries, he did not differ in penetrating mind and firm character. Broke all records of being the Minister of Foreign Affairs, holding it for 40 years. This was largely due to the fact that, not having his own line in foreign policy, Nesselrode was an excellent conductor of the ideas of the monarchs, for which he was sometimes called with a grin "Kissel-like". Nesselrode's biggest foreign policy mistake was an incorrect forecast of the reaction of the leading European countries to a possible Russian war against Turkey in the early 1950s. He believed that no one would interfere with Russia. As a result, Russia found itself in international isolation and under attack not only from Turkey, but also from Britain and France, who came out on its side. Immediately after the conclusion of the Paris Peace Treaty, he was dismissed by Alexander II.

Kapodistrias John (John Kapo d "Istria)(1776-1831) - Second Secretary of State, Director of Asian Affairs of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 1815-1822. Originally from Fr. Corfu. Graduated from the University of Padua. Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of the Ionian Republic. After the transfer of the protectorate over the Ionian Islands by Russia to Napoleon (1807), he transferred to the Russian service. The main task of Russia's foreign policy was the rejection of European possessions from Turkey and the creation of Christian states in the Balkans under the protectorate of Russia. To neutralize the Anglo-Austrian bloc formed after the Napoleonic wars, he proposed to develop allied relations between Russia and France. After resigning, he left for Geneva, and from there to Greece, where he was elected president. During the speeches provoked by England and France, he was killed on October 9, 1831.

Gorchakov Alexander Mikhailovich(1798-1883) - Minister of Foreign Affairs in 1856-1882. State Chancellor. Most Serene Prince. One of the greatest diplomats of the 19th century. The first diplomatic steps were taken by him as secretary of the embassy in London (1824), chargé d'affaires in Florence (1829), adviser to the embassy in Vienna (1832). As a representative to the German Confederation (since 1850), he sought to strengthen Russia's influence on the minor German states. He represented Russia at the Vienna Conference of 1855, where, in the conditions of Russia's military defeat in the Crimean War, he staked on the collapse of the Anglo-French alliance. To this end, he undertook separate negotiations with France, for which he was condemned by Minister Nesselrode. After the Paris Congress, he was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs. His phrase from a directive to Russian ambassadors abroad is widely known: "They say Russia is angry. No, Russia is not angry, she is concentrating." Managed to drive a wedge into the anti-Russian coalition of European powers. The result of this course was the rejection of the enslaving articles of the Paris Peace immediately after the overthrow of Napoleon III. Gorchakov always opposed revolutionary upheavals (the revolution of 1848 in France, the Paris Commune, etc.). With the creation of the German Empire, he became more cautious in relations with Germany. He did not sympathize with the ideas of the "Union of Three Emperors" concluded by the heads of state of Germany, Russia and Austria-Hungary. In 1875, Gorchakov's diplomatic position saved France from new German aggression. During the Russian-Turkish war of 1877-1878. took a vacillating position, believing that Russia was not yet ready to occupy Constantinople and the war could only lead to "half-peace." This position largely determined the decline in Gorchakov's popularity. In 1879, the management of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs passed to Girs. In 1882 Gorchakov received a formal resignation.

Gire Nikolay Karlovich(1820-1895) - Minister of Foreign Affairs in 1882-1895. He began his service in the Asian Department of the Russian Foreign Ministry. In 1850-1875. held various diplomatic posts in the Middle East, was an envoy to Switzerland and Sweden. Since 1875, he was the manager of the Asiatic Department, Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs. Since 1879, he actually led the Foreign Ministry. In 1882 he officially replaced Gorchakov as minister. He believed that foreign policy is a means of strengthening the internal position of the monarchy. He was the ideologist of the "peaceful decade" of Alexander III. He saw the main means of preserving peace in strengthening the alliance with Germany and Austria-Hungary. The pro-German orientation of Girs affected the Balkan (especially Bulgarian) policy of Russia. Despite this, Giret was forced to ensure the Franco-Russian rapprochement, which Alexander III considered as the most important tool for ensuring security in Europe.

Lobanov-Rostovsky Alexey Borisovich(1824-1896) - Minister of Foreign Affairs in 1895-1896. In the diplomatic service since 1844. Since 1863 he retired and lived in France. In 1878 he was appointed ambassador to Constantinople. Unlike Gorchakov, he believed that if Russia had to make any concessions, then they should be made in favor of Turkey in order to relieve tensions in relations with it. He acted as one of the developers of the Constantinople Peace Treaty of 1879. In 1879-1882. - Ambassador to London, in 1882-1895. - in Vienna. Became over the years one of the most influential ambassadors of Russia. In 1895 he was appointed ambassador to Berlin. After Giers' death, he became Minister of Foreign Affairs. He was a supporter of shifting the center of gravity in Russia's foreign policy from Europe to the Far East. His first steps there brought success - Japan ceded to Russia the lease of the Liaodong Peninsula, and later an agreement was signed on the joint protectorate of Russia and Japan in Korea. However, it was precisely this activity of Russia that spurred Japan to start preparing for a war with her.

Shishkin Nikolai Pavlovich(1830-1902) - Minister of Foreign Affairs of Russia in 1896-1897. From 1852 he worked in the Asian Department of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. In 1857 he was appointed to Paris, in 1859 - to Bucharest, in 1861 - to Adrianople, in 1863 - to Belgrade. Since 1875, Mr.. - Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to the North American United States. Since 1880 - in the same post in Greece. From 1884 he was at the court of the king of Sweden and Norway. Valid Privy Councilor. Since 1891 - Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs. Since January 14, 1895 - temporary manager of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Since March 24, 1896 - Secretary of State of His Majesty. Headed the ministry in short period from August 19, 1896 to January 1, 1897. From 1897 - member of the State Council.

Muravyov Mikhail Nikolaevich(1845-1900) - Minister of Foreign Affairs in 1897-1900. He began his diplomatic service in 1864 in the office of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. From 1867 he served in the Russian missions in Stuttgart, Stockholm, The Hague, Berlin, etc. After the Russian-Turkish war of 1877-1878. was appointed counselor of the embassy in Paris, and in 1884 - in Berlin. Since 1893 - envoy in Copenhagen. On January 1, 1897 he was appointed head of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and on April 13 of the same year - Minister of Foreign Affairs of Russia. Like Lobanov-Rostovsky, he believed that the center of gravity of Russia's foreign policy should be shifted to the Far East. He concluded an agreement with Austria-Hungary on the observance of the status quo in the Balkans. He proposed to actively develop Russian expansion into Korea. Under him, Russian warships and troops entered Port Arthur and Dalniy. An agreement was concluded with China on the construction of the CER. In 1898, on behalf of Nicholas II, he proposed to convene an international conference on disarmament. He negotiated with Spain on the lease of Ceuta (Africa) by Russia to confront England. He stepped up Russian policy in the Near and Middle East at a time when England was occupied with the war with the Boers. As a result, Russia restored direct relations with Afghanistan and strengthened its positions in Persia and Turkey. He offered to build relations between Russia and China more carefully and carefully.

Recently, when discussing politics, a good friend of mine attacked me like an angry panther: "What? Did you write down Lavrov as a non-Russian?? He is Russian - his last name ends in "ov!".

But the fact is that, starting from the moment the state called the Russian Federation appeared on December 25, 1991, and until now, we have not had not a single Russian foreign minister.

First Minister of Foreign Affairs Russian Federation from 1990 to 1996 was Andrey Vladimirovich Kozyrev. There is no information about his parents on Wikipedia, but it is mentioned that since 2001 he has been one of the members of the Presidium of the Russian Jewish Congress. And on jewage.org, he is listed as a famous Jew.

Andrei Vladimirovich Kozyrev, First Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation (photo from here).
Let's not argue with Jewish sites and organizations. They certainly know who is theirs and who is not.

For some reason, the opinion is popular among ordinary citizens that if a Jew, then he is necessarily smart. But here is what the site compromat.ru writes about Kozyrev

The unfortunate minister Andrey Kozyrev, who turned into a "walking anecdote" during his lifetime and amazed with his servility, dilettantism and intellectual squalor, just failed to cope with this task. After five years of activity of "dear Andrey" in the field of foreign affairs, his master was gradually no longer taken seriously and given due "signs of attention" at the international level. ()

Currently lives with his family in Miami, USA, criticizes the political system in Russia and the activities of President Putin ()

Evgeny Maksimovich Primakov, Second Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation (photo from here).

"I grew up in Tbilisi, I love this city, this country very much. It is very hard for me that I cannot afford to get on a plane, fly there for a day and return. And, alas, I cannot, while I am a minister. When I leave this post, I will definitely make such sorties." E. M. Primakov ()

"A romantic story is connected with my maternal grandmother - a Jewess. Possessing a wayward character, she, contrary to the will of my great-grandfather - the owner of the mill - married simple worker, besides Russian, hence the surname Primakovs. "Primakov E. M., Meetings at Crossroads, ISBN: 978-5-227-05787-7 ()

Now to the father. Primakov writes that his last name was Nemchenko and that "their paths parted ways with their mother." However, the site compromat.ru gives a different version.

Zhenya Primakov was brought to the city of Tbilisi in November 1929. That is, a few days after birth. Then Tbilisi was still called Tiflis.

What made the mother of the newborn - Anna Yakovlevna - hastily leave Kyiv and move with the baby from Tiflis? Who was Zhenya's father and why didn't he end up next to his son? Whose surname did the boy get - maternal or paternal?

Pedigree Primakov - a secret behind seven seals. From the published autobiography of Yevgeny Maksimovich, one can only find out that his father died when he was three months old, and that he was brought up by a single mother who worked as a doctor in a polyclinic of a spinning and knitting mill.
...
The real father of Zhenya Primakov was not a man who died in 1929, but a literary critic Irakly Andronikov, who lived until the eighties. He did not recognize his son, but did not leave him to the mercy of fate, he helped Zhenya's mother settle in Tiflis, where, immediately after moving from Kiev, she was given two rooms in the former house of the tsarist general. The participation of Irakli Luarsabovich in the fate of his son did not end there. ()

The biography of the real (according to compromat.ru) pope, Irakli Luarsabovich Andronnikov, is easily tracked.

[Irakli Luarsabovich Andronikov] was born on September 28, 1908 in St. Petersburg, where at that time he studied at the university at the Faculty of Law, his father, the future successful capital lawyer Luarsab Nikolaevich Andronikashvili, who came from a famous noble family in Georgia. In 1917, the Provisional Government even appointed the father of young Heraclius the Secretary of the Criminal Department of the Senate. [...] The mother of Irakly Andronikov, Ekaterina Yakovlevna Gurevich, came from a well-known Jewish family ()

In general, in the matter of determining nationality, the search and analysis of facts is sometimes not needed - just look at the photographs of the subject. In the photo below we see a typical non-Russian family.

Non-Russian family. (left) Yevgeny Maksimovich Primakov with his wife Laura Vasilievna Kharadze and children. (right) E. M. Primakov with his son Sasha. (photo from here).

Judging by the photographs of young Yevgeny Maksimovich, one begins to doubt that there was at least one Russian in the pedigree of this man. Not for nothing at the Institute of Oriental Studies, where he studied, he had the nickname "Chinese".

On September 11, 1998, Igor Sergeevich Ivanov replaced Primakov as Russian Foreign Minister.

Igor Sergeevich Ivanov, Third Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation (photo from here).
He received a Russian surname from the pope, information on which could not be found on the Internet (and as we already know, the surname can be deceptive). But the origin of the mother is well known.

Mother - Elena (Eliko) Sagirashvili - a traffic police officer, a native of the Georgian village of Akhmeta, located in the Pankisi Gorge. ()

The mother of Igor Ivanov is Elena Davydovna Sagirashvili, originally from the city of Tianeti, north of Tbilisi. ()

We wrote above that Ivanov replaced Primakov. In fact, during all the years that Primakov was a minister, Ivanov was his first deputy. After becoming prime minister, Primakov recommended Ivanov for the post of head of the Foreign Ministry. For those who do not understand - one non-Russian with Georgian roots gave the post to another non-Russian with Georgian roots.

Sergey Viktorovich Lavrov, the fourth Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation (photo from here).
Here you and Russian name, and Russian patronymic and "Russian" surname on "ov". When I look at this face, it is obvious to me without any evidence that I have at least a half-cross in front of me. But for those who want the facts...

At a meeting with students at the Russian-Armenian Slavic University, one of the students asked Sergey Lavrov if his Armenian roots helped him in his work. To which Mr. Lavrov, whose father is a Tbilisi Armenian, replied: "My roots are actually Georgian - my father is from Tbilisi, but the blood is really Armenian" ()

I have not yet found information on Mother Lavrov. Apparently we have to wait until he, like Primakov, starts writing his memoirs.

I will not bore the reader with a discussion of how it happened that in the Russian state the post of Minister of Foreign Affairs has been occupied by various Jews, Armenians and Georgians for at least 15 years (we will talk about the ministers of the Soviet period separately). Just remember that if you are Russian, then you and your children will have a very difficult time in the struggle for a place in the sun. Nerus, who occupied places in prestigious universities and high official positions, he won’t give them away just like that, which means that any Russian will have to be several times better in order to win in the competition.

The Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the USSR: who are they and what were they like?

Vyacheslav Mikhailovich Molotov(party alias, real name- Skryabin) was born on February 25 (March 9), 1890 in the Kukarka settlement of the Kukarsky district of the Vyatka province (now the city of Sovetsk, Kirov region) in the family of Mikhail Prokhorovich Scriabin, the clerk of the trading house of the merchant Yakov Nebogatikov.
V. M. Molotov's childhood years were spent in Vyatka and Nolinsk. In 1902-1908 he studied at the 1st Kazan real school. In the wake of the events of 1905, he joined the revolutionary movement, in 1906 he joined the RSDLP. In April 1909 he was first arrested and exiled to the Vologda province.
After serving his exile, in 1911, V. M. Molotov arrived in St. Petersburg, passed the exams for a real school as an external student and entered the economic department of the Polytechnic Institute. Since 1912, he collaborated in the Bolshevik newspaper Zvezda, then became the secretary of the editorial office of the newspaper Pravda, a member of the St. Petersburg Committee of the RSDLP. During the preparation of the publication of Pravda, he met I. V. Stalin.
After the arrest of the RSDLP faction in IV State Duma in 1914 he hid under the name Molotov. Since the autumn of 1914, he worked in Moscow on the reconstruction of the party organization defeated by the Okhrana. In 1915, V. M. Molotov was arrested and exiled for three years to the Irkutsk province. In 1916 he escaped from exile and lived illegally.
V. M. Molotov met the February Revolution of 1917 in Petrograd. He was a delegate to the VII (April) All-Russian Conference of the RSDLP (b) (April 24-29, 1917), a delegate to the VI Congress of the RSDLP (b) from the Petrograd organization. He was a member of the Russian Bureau of the Central Committee of the RSDLP (b), the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet and the Military Revolutionary Committee, which led the overthrow of the Provisional Government in October 1917.
After the establishment of Soviet power, V. M. Molotov was in leading party work. In 1919, he was chairman of the Nizhny Novgorod provincial executive committee, later became secretary of the Donetsk provincial committee of the RCP (b). In 1920 he was elected secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party (b) of Ukraine.
In 1921-1930, V. M. Molotov served as Secretary of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks. Since 1921, he was a candidate member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the party, in 1926 he joined the Politburo. Actively participated in the fight against the inner-party opposition, moved into the number of close associates of I. V. Stalin.
In 1930-1941, V. M. Molotov headed the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR, at the same time from May 1939 he was the People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs of the USSR. An entire era in Soviet foreign policy is associated with his name. V. M. Molotov’s signature is under the non-aggression pact with Nazi Germany of August 23, 1939 (the so-called “Ribbentrop-Molotov Pact”), the assessments of which were and remain ambiguous.
The fate of V. M. Molotov was to inform the Soviet people about the attack of Nazi Germany on the USSR on June 22, 1941. The words spoken by him then: “Our cause is just. The enemy will be defeated. Victory will be ours,” entered the history of the Great Patriotic War of 1941-1945.
It was Molotov who informed the Soviet people about the attack of Nazi Germany
During the war years, V. M. Molotov served as First Deputy Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR, Deputy Chairman State Committee defense of the USSR. In 1943 he was awarded the title of Hero of Socialist Labor. V. M. Molotov took an active part in organizing and holding the Tehran (1943), Crimean (1945) and Potsdam (1945) conferences of the heads of government of the three allied powers - the USSR, the USA and Great Britain, at which the main parameters of the post-war structure of Europe were determined.
V. M. Molotov remained as head of the People's Commissariat for Foreign Affairs (from 1946 - the USSR Foreign Ministry) until 1949, again headed the ministry in 1953-1957. From 1941 to 1957, he simultaneously served as First Deputy Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars (since 1946 - the Council of Ministers) of the USSR.

At the June plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU in 1957, V. M. Molotov spoke out against N. S. Khrushchev, joining his opponents, who were condemned as an “anti-party group”. Together with its other members, he was removed from the leading bodies of the party and removed from all government posts.
In 1957-1960, V. M. Molotov was the USSR Ambassador to the Mongolian People's Republic, in 1960-1962 he headed the Soviet representative office in international agency By atomic energy in Vienna. In 1962 he was recalled from Vienna and expelled from the CPSU. By order of the USSR Ministry of Foreign Affairs of September 12, 1963, V. M. Molotov was released from work in the ministry in connection with his retirement.
In 1984, with the sanction of K. U. Chernenko, V. M. Molotov was reinstated in the CPSU with the preservation of his party experience.
V. M. Molotov died in Moscow on November 8, 1986 and was buried at the Novodevichy Cemetery.
Andrei Yanuarievich Vyshinsky(March 4, 1949 − March 5, 1953)
Andrei Yanuaryevich Vyshinsky, a descendant of an old Polish noble family, a former Menshevik who signed the order for the arrest of Lenin, it would seem, was doomed to fall into the millstones of the system. Surprisingly, instead he himself came to power, holding the posts: Prosecutor of the USSR, Prosecutor of the RSFSR, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Rector of Moscow State University.
In many ways, he owed these to his personal qualities, because even his opponents often note a deep education and outstanding oratorical abilities. It is for this reason that Vyshinsky's lectures and court speeches have always attracted the attention not only of the professional legal community, but of the entire population. His performance was also noted. Already as Minister of Foreign Affairs, he worked from 11 a.m. to 4-5 a.m. the next day.
This is what contributed to his contribution to legal science. At one time, his works on forensic science, criminal procedure, the theory of state and law, and international law were considered classics. And even now the foundation of modern Russian jurisprudence is the concept of branch division of the legal system developed by A. Ya. Vyshinsky.
As Minister, Vyshinsky worked from 11 a.m. to 4-5 a.m. the next day.
But nevertheless, A. Ya. Vyshinsky entered history as the “chief Soviet prosecutor” at the trials of the 1930s. For this reason, his name is almost always associated with the Great Terror period. The "Moscow trials" undoubtedly did not comply with the principles of a fair trial. On the basis of circumstantial evidence, the innocent were sentenced to death or long terms of imprisonment.
As an "inquisitor" he was also characterized by the extrajudicial form of sentencing in which he participated - the so-called "deuce", officially - the Commission of the NKVD of the USSR and the Prosecutor of the USSR. The defendants in this case were deprived of even a formal trial.
However, I will allow myself to quote Vyshinsky himself: “It would be a big mistake to see in the accusatory work of the prosecutor's office its main content. The main task of the prosecutor's office is to be the guide and guardian of the rule of law.”
As Prosecutor of the USSR, his main task was to reform the prosecution and investigative apparatus. The following problems had to be dealt with: low education of prosecutors and investigators, shortage of personnel, red tape, negligence. As a result, a unique system of supervision over the observance of the law was formed, which the prosecutor's office remains at the present time.
The direction of Vyshinsky's actions was even human rights in nature, as far as it was possible in the conditions of totalitarian reality. So, for example, in January 1936, he initiated a review of cases against collective farmers and representatives of rural authorities convicted of embezzlement in the early 30s. Tens of thousands of them were released.
Less well known are the activities aimed at supporting the Soviet defense. In numerous speeches and writings, he defended the independence and procedural powers of lawyers, often criticizing his colleagues for neglecting the side of the defense. However, the declared ideals were not implemented in practice, if we recall, for example, the "triples", which were the opposite of the competitive process.
The diplomatic career of A. Ya. Vyshinsky is no less interesting. In the last years of his life, he served as the permanent representative of the USSR to the UN. In his speeches, he expressed an authoritative opinion in many areas. international politics and international law. His speech on the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights is well known - Vyshinsky foresaw problems with the implementation of the proclaimed rights, which are only now noticed in the scientific and professional community.
The personality of Andrei Yanuarievich Vyshinsky is ambiguous. On the one hand, participation in punitive justice. On the other hand, scientific and professional achievements, strong personal qualities, striving to achieve the ideal of "socialist legality". It is they who force even Vyshinsky's most vehement opponent to recognize in him that bearer of the highest values ​​- "a man of his own business."
It can be concluded that it is possible to be him in conditions of totalitarianism. This was confirmed by A. Ya. Vyshinsky.
Dmitry Trofimovich Shepilov(February 27, 1956 - June 29, 1957)

Born into a family of a railway worker. After the family moved to Tashkent, he studied first at the gymnasium and then at the secondary school.
In 1926 he graduated from the law faculty of the Moscow state university named after M. V. Lomonosov and the agrarian faculty of the Institute of Red Professors.
Since 1926 - in the justice authorities, in 1926-1928 he worked as a prosecutor in Yakutia. Since 1929 - on scientific work. In 1933-1935 he worked in the political department of one of the Siberian state farms. After the publication of a number of notable articles, he was invited to the Institute of Economics of the USSR Academy of Sciences. Since 1935 - in the apparatus of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks (Department of Science). According to Leonid Mlechin, at one of the meetings on science, Shepilov "allowed himself to object to Stalin." Stalin suggested that he back down, but Shepilov stood his ground, as a result of which he was expelled from the Central Committee and spent seven months without work.
Since 1938 - Scientific Secretary of the Institute of Economics of the USSR Academy of Sciences.
In the first days of the war, he volunteered for the front as part of the Moscow militia, although he had a “reservation” as a professor and the opportunity to go to Kazakhstan as the director of the Institute of Economics. From 1941 to 1946 - in Soviet army. He went from private to major general, head of the Political Department of the 4th Guards Army.
In 1956, Khrushchev succeeded in removing Molotov from the post of Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR, putting his ally Shepilov in his place. On June 2, 1956, by decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, Shepilov was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR, replacing Vyacheslav Mikhailovich Molotov in this post.
In June 1956, the Soviet Foreign Minister made the first ever tour of the Middle East, visiting Egypt, Syria, Lebanon, and also Greece. During negotiations in Egypt with President Nasser in June 1956, he secretly agreed to the USSR to sponsor the construction of the Aswan Dam. At the same time, Shepilov, who was not an international professional by the nature of his previous activity, was impressed by the truly “pharaonic” reception that the then Egyptian President Nasser gave him, and upon his return to Moscow managed to convince Khrushchev to speed up the establishment of relations with Arab countries Middle East as opposed to normalizing relations with Israel. At the same time, it should be taken into account that during the Second World War, almost all political elite countries of the Middle East, one way or another collaborated with Nazi Germany, and Nasser himself and his brothers then studied at German higher military educational institutions.
He represented the position of the USSR on the Suez crisis and on the uprising in Hungary in 1956. He headed the Soviet delegation at the London Conference on the Suez Canal.
Contributed to the normalization of Soviet-Japanese relations: in October 1956, a joint declaration was signed with Japan, ending the state of war. The USSR and Japan exchanged ambassadors.
In his speech at the 20th Congress of the CPSU, he called for the forcible export of socialism outside the USSR. At the same time, he participated in the preparation of Khrushchev's report "On the cult of personality and its consequences", but the prepared version of the report was significantly changed.
Shepilov called for the forcible export of socialism outside the USSR When Malenkov, Molotov and Kaganovich in June 1957 tried to remove Khrushchev at a meeting of the Presidium of the Central Committee of the CPSU, presenting him with a whole list of accusations, Shepilov suddenly also began to criticize Khrushchev for establishing his own "personality cult", although he had never been a member of the named group. As a result of the defeat of the Molotov, Malenkov, Kaganovich grouping at the Plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU that followed on June 22, 1957, the wording "the anti-party group of Molotov, Malenkov, Kaganovich and Shepilov who joined them" was born.
There is another, less literary and spectacular explanation of the origins of the wording using the word “joined”: a group that would have consisted of eight members would be embarrassing to call a “breakaway anti-party group”, since it turned out to be a clear majority, and this would be obvious even to readers of Pravda. To be called "factional schismatics", the members of the group had to be no more than seven; Shepilov was the eighth.
It sounds more reasonable to assume that, unlike the seven members of the “anti-party group” - members of the Presidium of the Central Committee of the CPSU, Shepilov was defined as “joining”, because, as a candidate member of the Presidium, he did not have the right to a decisive vote in voting.
Shepilov was relieved of all party and state posts. Since 1957 - director, since 1959 - deputy director of the Institute of Economics of the Academy of Sciences of the Kirghiz SSR, in 1960-1982 - archeographer, then senior archeographer in the Main Archival Administration under the Council of Ministers of the USSR.
Since the cliché “and Shepilov who joined them” was actively exaggerated in the press, an anecdote appeared: “The longest surname is I who joined knimshepilov”; when a half-liter bottle of vodka was divided “for three”, the fourth drinking companion was nicknamed “Shepilov”, etc. Thanks to this phrase, millions of Soviet citizens recognized the name of the party functionary. Shepilov's own memoirs are polemically titled "Unjoined"; they are sharply critical of Khrushchev.
Shepilov himself, according to his memoirs, considered the case fabricated. He was expelled from the party in 1962, reinstated in 1976, and in 1991 reinstated in the USSR Academy of Sciences. Since 1982 - retired.
Died August 18, 1995. He was buried at the Novodevichy cemetery.

Andrei Andreevich Gromyko(July 2, 1985 - October 1, 1988)

Of all the Russian and Soviet foreign ministers, only Andrei Andreyevich Gromyko served in this post for a legendaryly long term of twenty-eight years. His name was well known not only in the Soviet Union, but also far beyond its borders. The position of Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR made him famous all over the world.
The diplomatic fate of A. A. Gromyko developed in such a way that for almost half a century he was at the center of world politics, earned the respect of even his political opponents. In diplomatic circles, he was called "the patriarch of diplomacy", "the most informed foreign minister in the world." His legacy, despite the fact that the Soviet era is far behind, is still relevant today.
A. A. Gromyko was born on July 5, 1909 in the village of Starye Gromyki, Vetka district, Gomel region. In 1932 he graduated from the Institute of Economics, in 1936 - postgraduate studies at the All-Russian Research Institute of Agricultural Economics, Doctor of Economics (since 1956). In 1939 he was transferred to the People's Commissariat for Foreign Affairs (NKID) of the USSR. By this time, as a result of repression, almost all the leading cadres of Soviet diplomacy had been destroyed, and Gromyko quickly began to make a career. In his incomplete 30 years, a native of the Belarusian hinterland with a Ph.D. It was an unusually steep rise, even for those times when careers were created and collapsed overnight. No sooner had the young diplomat settled in his new apartments on Smolenskaya Square than a summons to the Kremlin followed. Stalin, in the presence of Molotov, said: "Comrade Gromyko, we intend to send you to work at the USSR Embassy in the United States as an adviser." So, A. Gromyko for four years became an adviser to the embassy in the United States and at the same time an envoy to Cuba.
In 1946-1949. deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR and at the same time in 1946-1948. fast. representative of the USSR to the UN, in 1949-1952. and 1953-1957 first deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR, in 1952-1953. Ambassador of the USSR to Great Britain, in April 1957 Gromyko was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR and worked in this post until July 1985. Since 1983, First Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR. In 1985-1988 Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR.
The diplomatic talent of Andrei Andreyevich Gromyko was quickly noticed abroad. Andrei Gromyko's authority, recognized by the West, was of the highest standard. In August 1947, The Times magazine wrote: “As permanent representative Soviet Union in the Security Council, Gromyko does his work at the level of breathtaking competence.
At the same time, with the light hand of Western journalists, Andrei Gromyko, as the most active participant in the Cold War, became the owner of a whole series of unflattering nicknames like “Andrei Volk”, “Misanthrope Robot”, “Man without a Face”, “Modern Neanderthal”, etc. Gromyko became well known in international circles for his eternally dissatisfied and gloomy facial expression, as well as extremely uncompromising actions, for which he received the nickname “Mr. No." Regarding this nickname, A. A. Gromyko noted: “They heard my “no” much less often than I heard their “know”, because we put forward much more proposals. They called me “Mr. No” in their newspapers because I didn’t allow myself to be manipulated. Who aspired to this, wanted to manipulate the Soviet Union. We are a great power, and we will not allow anyone to do this!"
Due to his intransigence, Gromyko received the nickname "Mr. No"
However, Willy Brandt, the German Chancellor, noted in his memoirs: “I found Gromyko to be a more pleasant conversationalist than I imagined from stories about such a caustic “Mr. No”. He gave the impression of a correct and imperturbable person, restrained in a pleasant Anglo-Saxon manner. He knew how to make it clear in an unobtrusive way how much experience he has.
A. A. Gromyko strictly adhered to the approved position. “The Soviet Union in the international arena is me,” thought Andrei Gromyko. - All our successes in the negotiations that led to the conclusion of important international treaties and agreements, are explained by the fact that I was confidently firm and even adamant, especially when I saw that they were talking to me, and therefore to the Soviet Union, from a position of strength or playing cat and mouse. I never fawned over the Westerners, and after I was beaten on one cheek, I did not substitute the other. Moreover, he acted in such a way that my excessively obstinate opponent would have a hard time.”
Many did not know that A. A. Gromyko had a delightful sense of humor. His remarks could include apt comments that came as a surprise at tense moments when receiving delegations. Henry Kissinger, coming to Moscow, was constantly afraid of listening to the KGB. Once, during a meeting, he pointed to a chandelier that hung in the room and asked the KGB to make a copy of American documents for him, since the Americans had “out of order” copying equipment. Gromyko answered him in a tone that chandeliers were made under the tsars and they could only have microphones.
Among major achievements Andrei Gromyko singled out four points: the creation of the UN, the development of agreements to limit nuclear weapons, the legalization of borders in Europe and, finally, the recognition of the United States for the USSR as a great power.
Few people today remember that the UN was conceived in Moscow. It was here in October 1943 that the Soviet Union, the United States and Great Britain announced that the world needed an organization to international security. It was easy to declare, but difficult to do. Gromyko stood at the origins of the UN, under the Charter of this organization is his signature. In 1946, he became the first Soviet representative to the UN and at the same time deputy, and then first deputy minister of foreign affairs. Gromyko was a participant, and later the head of the delegation of our country at 22 sessions of the UN General Assembly.
The “question of questions”, “super task”, in the words of A. A. Gromyko himself, for him was the process of negotiations on control over the arms race, both conventional and nuclear. He went through all the stages of the post-war disarmament epic. Already in 1946, on behalf of the USSR, A. A. Gromyko proposed a general reduction and regulation of armaments and a ban on the military use of atomic energy. Gromyko considered the Test Ban Treaty signed on August 5, 1963, to be a matter of special pride. nuclear weapons in the atmosphere, in outer space and under water, negotiations on which have been dragging on since 1958.
A. A. Gromyko considered the consolidation of the results of World War II to be another foreign policy priority. This is, first of all, the settlement around West Berlin, the formalization of the status quo with two German states, the FRG and the GDR, and then all-European affairs.
The historic agreements between the USSR (and then Poland and Czechoslovakia) and the FRG in 1970-1971, as well as the quadripartite agreement of 1971 on West Berlin. How great the personal role of A. A. Gromyko in the preparation of these fundamental documents for peace in Europe can be seen at least from the fact that in order to develop the text of the Moscow Treaty of 1970, he held 15 meetings with Chancellor W. Brandt's adviser E. Bahr and the same number with Foreign Minister W. Scheel.
It was they and previous efforts that cleared the way for détente and the convening of a Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe. Significance of the signing in August 1975 in Helsinki final act was global in scope. It was, in essence, a code of conduct for states in key areas of relations, including the military-political one. The inviolability of post-war borders in Europe was consolidated, to which A. Gromyko attached particular importance, and prerequisites were created for strengthening European stability and security.
It was thanks to the efforts of A. A. Gromyko that all the i's between the USSR and the USA were dotted during the Cold War. In September 1984, at the initiative of the Americans, Andrei Gromyko met with Ronald Reagan in Washington. These were Reagan's first talks with a representative Soviet leadership. Reagan recognized the Soviet Union as a superpower. But even more significant was another statement. Let me recall the words spoken by the spokesman of the myth of the "evil empire" after the end of the meeting in the White House: "The United States respects the status of the Soviet Union as a superpower ... and we have no desire to change it social system". Thus, Gromyko's diplomacy won the United States official recognition of the principle of non-intervention in the internal affairs of the Soviet Union.
Thanks to Gromyko, relations between the USSR and the USA were stabilized
Andrei Gromyko bore in his memory many facts forgotten by the broad circles of the international community. “You can imagine,” Andrey Gromyko told his son, “you are speaking, and not anyone, but the polished Macmillan, Prime Minister of Great Britain. Since it was at the height of the Cold War, he makes attacks on us. Well, I would say that the usual UN kitchen works, with all its political, diplomatic and propaganda tricks. I sit and think about how to respond to these attacks on occasion, during the debate. Suddenly, Nikita Sergeevich, who was sitting next to me, leans over and, as I first thought, is looking for something under the table. I even moved back a little so as not to disturb him. And suddenly I see - he pulls out a shoe and begins to beat it on the surface of the table. Frankly speaking, the first thought was that Khrushchev felt bad. But after a moment, I realized that our leader was protesting in this way, seeking to embarrass Macmillan. I tensed up and, against my will, began to pound on the table with my fists - after all, it was necessary to somehow support the head of the Soviet delegation. I did not look in the direction of Khrushchev, I was embarrassed. The situation was really comical. And after all, what is surprising, you can make dozens of smart and even brilliant speeches, but in decades no one will remember the speaker, Khrushchev's shoe will not be forgotten.
As a result of almost half a century of practice, A. A. Gromyko developed for himself the “golden rules” of diplomatic work, which, however, are relevant not only for diplomats:
- it is absolutely unacceptable to immediately reveal all the cards to the other side, to want to solve the problem in one fell swoop;
- cautious use of summit meetings; ill-prepared, they do more harm than good;
- one should not allow oneself to be manipulated either with the help of rude or with the help of sophisticated means;
- For success in foreign policy, a real assessment of the situation is needed. It is even more important that this reality does not disappear anywhere;
- the most difficult thing is the consolidation of the real situation through diplomatic agreements, the international legal registration of a compromise;
- constant struggle for the initiative. In diplomacy, the initiative is The best way protection of state interests.
A. A. Gromyko believed that diplomatic activity is hard work, requiring those who are engaged in it to mobilize all their knowledge and abilities. The task of a diplomat is "to fight to the end for the interests of his country, without prejudice to others." "Operate across the entire range international relations find useful connections between seemingly separate processes,” this thought was a kind of constant in his diplomatic activity. "The main thing in diplomacy is a compromise, harmony between states and their leaders."
In October 1988 Andrei Andreevich retired and worked on his memoirs. He passed away on July 2, 1989. “The State, the Fatherland is us,” he liked to say. “If we don’t do it, no one will.”

Eduar Amvrosievich Shevarnadze(July 2, 1985 - December 20, 1990)

Born on January 25, 1928 in the village of Mamati, Lanchkhut region (Guria).
Graduated from the Tbilisi Medical College. In 1959 he graduated from the Kutaisi Pedagogical Institute. A. Tsulukidze.
Since 1946, in the Komsomol and party work. From 1961 to 1964 he was the first secretary of the district committee of the Communist Party of Georgia in Mtskheta, and then the first secretary of the Pervomaisky district party committee of Tbilisi. In the period from 1964 to 1972 - First Deputy Minister for the Protection of Public Order, then - Minister of Internal Affairs of Georgia. From 1972 to 1985 - First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Georgia. In this position, he conducted a highly publicized campaign against the shadow market and corruption, which, however, did not lead to the eradication of these phenomena.
In 1985-1990 - Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR, from 1985 to 1990 - member of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee. Deputy of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR 9-11 convocations. In 1990-1991 - people's deputy THE USSR.
In December 1990, he resigned "in protest against the impending dictatorship" and left the ranks of the CPSU the same year. In November 1991, at the invitation of Gorbachev, he again headed the USSR Foreign Ministry (at that time called the Ministry of Foreign Relations), but after the collapse of the USSR, this position was abolished a month later.
Shevardnadze was one of Gorbachev's associates in carrying out the perestroika policy
In December 1991, Minister of Foreign Relations of the USSR E. A. Shevardnadze was one of the first among the leaders of the USSR to recognize the Belovezhskaya Accords and the impending demise of the USSR.
E. A. Shevardnadze was one of M. S. Gorbachev’s associates in pursuing the policy of perestroika, glasnost and détente of international tension.