State Prize Ryzhov Yu. Academician Yuri Ryzhov: "The country's intellectual potential has been completely destroyed under Putin!" It turns out that Yeltsin was a separatist

Scientists Ryzhov and Cherny about Putin's crimes

On January 16 of this year, four academicians of the Russian Academy of Sciences (E.B. Aleksandrova, V.L. Ginzburg, E.P. Kruglyakov and Yu.A. Ryzhov) addressed a letter to the director of the FSB A.V. Bortnikov with a request to deal with the fabrication of criminal cases in his department with serious charges against scientists. This letter was published in Novaya Gazeta"(No. 08 of January 28, 2009). Finally, the answer was received: everything is in order, the courts made their decisions in accordance with the laws of the Russian Federation. And not a word about the fabrication of criminal cases and the arguments of academicians.

WITH It is strange, but the answer to the academicians was signed by the deputy head of the economic security service - the head of the department A.A. Krutov. The investigative department involved in all these cases was taken aside.

National project "Available spy"

For more than 10 years, the unequal confrontation between a number of public organizations, scientists and such state structures as the FSB, the Prosecutor General's Office, and the courts has been going on. various levels. It's about about the cases initiated by the FSB against scientists and some commercial organizations that are especially objectionable to the authorities.

Among the many such cases, there are several in which the former president seems to have a personal interest. First of all, this applies to the cases of scientists who were accused of high treason, disclosure of state secrets and export of dual-use technologies. This is most likely a personal invention of the former director of the FSB and former president. Therefore, officials, prosecutors and courts shy away from any arguments aimed at solving the problem of spy mania. Are they afraid of the wrath of the "leader of the nation"?

The most odious are the cases of Igor Sutyagin, Valentin Danilov and Igor Reshetin (together with his entire convicted group). These people, without bothering to prove their guilt, were sentenced to the most severe punishment in the form of 15, 13 and 11 years of strict regime.

I.V. Sutyagin has been imprisoned for about 10 years, V.V. Danilov - more than five. In total, more than twenty honest scientists fell into the KGB traps.

It must be said that a wave of spy mania swept the country shortly after Putin came to the Kremlin (1997). Even before his presidency. And it wasn't an accident. Putin brought the idea of ​​"spies around" with him.

Since that time, dozens of scientists, journalists, environmentalists, and entrepreneurs have been persecuted on trumped-up charges. Intoxicated with permissiveness unprecedented since the 1930s, the Chekists are committing monstrous arbitrariness. They are, in fact, investigators, prosecutors, and judges. They also select the necessary “experts”.

The ideas that Putin brought with him to the upper floors of the Russian government are quite simple and directly borrowed from the ideological dustbin of the Central Committee of the CPSU and the NKVD-KGB of the USSR. Among the political rubbish, his favorite horror stories were:

Hostile external environment: all foreigners are enemies and spies;
- international terrorism;
- separatism and internal terrorism;
- internal enemies and traitors to the Motherland.

In a word, there are only enemies everywhere. According to Putin and his KGB associates, the elimination of these "threats" should solve all the country's problems.

To defeat the hostile environment, good relations with democratic countries were destroyed.

To combat separatism and internal terrorism, the second Chechen war began.

To combat international terrorism, they began to kill opponents who managed to escape abroad.

And in order to put an end to internal enemies, they began to accuse scientists of treason, divulging state secrets, and exporting dual-use technologies. Everyone behind bars. Violent and long. Intimidation of citizens became an element of politics, but Putin himself was in the background.

His true face came out from under the mask only after he was elected president. See how hard Putin is trying to impose on the country his strange ideas about the need for self-isolation. Note that this was April 19, 2000, even before the official assumption of the presidency.

Speaking before the deputies State Duma, he, one must think, spoke about the most important thing, about those fateful concepts (if you want, special projects) that he brought to the main office of the country:

“Dear Gennady Nikolaevich, dear deputies! Before I report to you on the merits of today's issue, I would like to respond very briefly to the remarks, which, I believe, I should not leave unattended ...

... If the Minister of Foreign Affairs is noticed that, outside the framework of his official duties, he maintains contacts with representatives of foreign states, then he, like any other members of the government, deputies of the State Duma, leaders of factions, as well as all other citizens Russian Federation, will be subjected to certain procedures in accordance with the criminal law. And I must say that the latest events that are being held in Federal Service security tell us that it is quite possible. This is the first."

(Quoted from the transcript. Emphasis by us. - Yu.R., E.Ch.)

How to evaluate this amusing story?

Firstly, it is a direct threat to accuse any person (“it is quite possible”) of high treason only on the basis of the fact of communication with foreigners. This is clearly stated in the last sentence. After all, it was at this time that scientists were accused of treason. But since it was not possible to prove treason, it turns out that people were actually convicted for communicating (“maintaining contacts”) with foreigners, but the spy article of the Criminal Code, which allows them to demonstratively imprison for long periods, was picked up. The FSB, the prosecutor's office and the courts "do not notice" this circumstance. By the way, in which law did lawyer Putin find an article on criminal liability for communicating with foreigners?

In order to utter such words in parliament without hesitation, one needed complete confidence that the people appointed as "deputies" would swallow the threat with tenderness and draw the necessary conclusions. And, of course, no one will hint that the elected president uttered an idea of ​​a very dubious quality, more like a judgment of an opera, who wants to curry favor with a strict boss. Or maybe he had such a boss? Let's say some high rank from the KGB. Kryuchkov, for example, with whom he even met under TV cameras several times.

Why should the president democratic country meet with a man who is directly guilty of attempting a coup d'état? However, this is just a guess. Let us note in passing that the democratic Russian authorities at one time generously released all members of the State Emergency Committee (including Kryuchkov). And the current one?

Meanwhile, Putin's KGB entourage goes further. Under FSB director Putin, security officers believe that the citizens of our country pose a direct threat to their government. Gennady Zotov, the head of the constitutional security department of the FSB, spoke about this very convincingly in an interview with Nezavisimaya Gazeta. His words must be learned by heart. Here they are:

“When creating the department of constitutional security, the state pursued the goal of separating an independent unit from the system of FSB bodies, “specializing” in combating threats to the security of the Russian Federation in the socio-political sphere. For a number of objective reasons related to the fundamental features of Russia, it has always paid special attention to protecting the state from "internal sedition", that is, speaking modern language, from threats to security in the socio-political sphere, because "internal sedition" for Russia has always been worse than any military invasion" ("Nezavisimaya Gazeta", November 1998).

What is this if not fear of one's own people? For a possible struggle against the people, internal troops that were not subject to reduction were created, but public organizations equated to spyware.

Former director of the FSB Putin says (Komsomolskaya Pravda, July 8, 1999): "Unfortunately, foreign special services, in addition to diplomatic cover, very actively use various environmental and public organizations in their work." Here is a direct indication for you to look for spies among ecologists and civil organizations! So who is the internal enemy? That's right, public organizations.

Well, helpful media are happy to try. Information Agency Bashinform, after famous history with a spy stone and a “hit down” on the British embassy, ​​February 8, 2006 frankly stated: “Between human rights activities in Russia and foreign intelligence, you can put a bold equal sign”; “Scammers under a human rights guise are simply selling the Motherland wholesale and retail”; “The arsenal of means that they (human rights defenders. - Yu.R., E.Ch.) used - disinformation, bribery, blackmail, pressure - is akin to espionage."

Spymania turns into an active tool political power, an instrument of intimidation of society, an instrument of demonstrative terror and suppression of the stunted embryo of civil society.

Let's go further. Putin's successor as director of the FSB, Patrushev (2002), stated: "The main attention of foreign intelligence services is currently being given to the collection of information characterizing the formation of Russia as a democratic state in the structure of the world community ..." ("Novye Izvestia", December 2001).

Strange rating. But foreign intelligence is good too! They want to find out everything about our sovereign democracy. But the FSB is on guard of our biggest state secret! As they say, no comment, but the country is in great danger if our intelligence agencies believe that Russia's democratic values ​​are a target for foreign intelligence.

We are fighting for Igor Sutyagin, Valentin Danilov, Igor Reshetin only because we are firmly convinced that their cases were fabricated by the investigation, and they received their terms in connection with the true military friendship of the investigation, the prosecutor's office and the court.

How this is done can be told much better than us by the KGB personnel officer, General Viktor Ivanenko (former chairman of the KGB of the RSFSR). Here is what he said: “There were such cases when, like this: “You won’t go on vacation until you start a case of espionage. You will not receive gratitude until you have done five preventive measures.” Well, and of course ... somewhere people pressed the pen, somewhere they frankly lied. A case was revealed by the inspectorate in the special department for the Far Eastern Military District, when the head of the special department and the chief opera officer of this department invented a spy group, wrote out an assignment to conduct an audition, sat down under this technique themselves and played roles - one for the agent, and one for this spy. Based on this report, they opened a case ... Well, no one compared the voices. The person was actually brought to criminal responsibility later” (L. Mlechin, TVC, Special Folder, May 26, 2003).

These methods are still alive today. Our scientists also became their victims. All attempts to convince the highest authorities of the country to reconsider their attitude towards these people end in nothing.

Three times well-known scientists, cultural figures and public figures turned to Putin with a request to pardon Sutyagin and Danilov. Complete silence or unsubscribe from the head of the office. Three appeals to the new president ended with the same inconclusive results.

From the replies received, it is quite clear that our appeals to the president were not even read by the officials who were instructed to investigate. Otherwise, they would not write various nonsense in their answers. Here are a few touches. First, I. Rodina - the head of the department, and then her head - the head of the department for ensuring the participation of prosecutors in the supervisory stage of criminal proceedings of the General Prosecutor's Office of the Russian Federation R. Yusifov unanimously say that nothing can be reviewed: the verdict of the jury is the highest law.

Well, so be it. But how, then, was it so easy to overturn the acquittal of the jury in the first trial of V.V. Danilov?

Why were the judges and jury changed like gloves in the Sutyagin case? This did not sadden the prosecutors? Didn't it sow doubts in them?

And why did the Prosecutor General's Office not want to deal with the introduction of intelligence officer R. Yakimishen into the jury in the Sutyagin case?

And why was the Prosecutor General's Office not interested in the fact that in the jury in the Danilov case in the second trial, 8 out of 12 jurors were somehow connected with law enforcement agencies?

Why didn't the prosecutors worry about the fact that there were no professionals among the experts in the Danilov case? Why did the prosecutors not even read the minutes of the seminar of professionals - doctors of sciences, who claimed that there were no secret data in the Danilov case at all? But even FSB General N.A. was present at this seminar. Oleshko is the chief investigator of the FSB, who had nothing to object to the scientists. All this was said in an appeal to the President, signed by well-known scientists and public figures. Why why why…

But employees of the Prosecutor General's Office I. Rodina and R. Yusifov, who were instructed to consider the arguments of the authors of the appeal, were not interested in this. The jury's verdict is, in their opinion, a sacred cow. And in other matters? The facts of cancellation of decisions of jury trials are enough.

And again, we need to return to the authorities of the KGB generals. One, now a well-known Chekist, once told his dissident under investigation: “We don’t beat you, but we have different methods in our arsenal, believe me.” And further: “You understand that the court is a mere formality, in fact, we decide everything” (materials of the conference “KGB Yesterday, Today, Tomorrow”).

It can be confirmed that even today this exactly corresponds to the words of the general, uttered back in Soviet times. The courts do their best (more often extremely clumsily) "formulate" the wishes of the FSB.

It's funny, but every year the heads of the special services, like a carbon copy, report to the December Day of the Chekist with the captured spies. Spies, it turns out, go with them in platoons and companies. One former head of the FSB caught about 400 pieces in a year! Well, not directly Chekists, but some kind of fishermen. How not to remember Khlestakov here: “Couriers, couriers, couriers ... can you imagine, thirty-five thousand couriers alone!”. No, really, the government considers citizens complete idiots. Although he is afraid.

The arbitrariness of the FSB clearly shows that there are no internal instruments left to protect the rights of citizens in the country.

Everything was crushed by people without a heart and conscience, but with unusually dirty hands and inflamed heads.

No wonder they in 2008 decided to “modernize” Article 275 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation (high treason) and cancel jury trials in cases under investigation by the FSB. The arguments are quite simple: treason is difficult to prove. In this case, there are only two ways: to improve the skills of your employees or to edit Article 275 in such a way that anyone can be prosecuted for treason. The FSB took the second path. But it must be admitted that even with the old version of the article, even in the absence of evidence, the FSB managed to successfully imprison the innocent.

Our strange society has come to terms with the fact that in the country, as in Soviet times, there were political prisoners. The protests of small human rights activists and individual politicians, as well as the appeals of prominent figures of science and culture, have long been ignored by the authorities.

The national leader believes that the convicted scientists, and even Khodorkovsky and Lebedev, are in fact his personal enemies. So who dares to defend the colonel's personal enemies? Look at what a disgrace to the authorities the action aimed at the early release of Bakhmina resulted in. How much hatred must be possessed to resist a hundred thousand citizens asking for her release?

The hatred of the authorities for their citizens has crossed all boundaries. But Putin's "special project" and his "non-nobles" must be stopped.

Whether President Dmitry Medvedev wants to put an end to his predecessor's espionage hysteria, whether he wants to release the prisoners of the former regime convicted on trumped-up charges, remains a mystery that only he himself can answer.

Yuri Ryzhov,
academician of the Russian Academy of Sciences
Ernst Black,
Executive Secretary of the Public Committee for the Protection of Scientists

There is an opinion that the development of the country could have taken a completely different path if Academician of the Russian Academy of Sciences Yuri Ryzhov still headed the government of the Russian Federation in 1991.

Yuri Alekseevich is an outstanding scientist, a prominent specialist in the field of surface-to-air missiles, a former member of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, the first ambassador of the Russian Federation to France. At 86, Ryzhov still holds the position of head of the department of aerodynamics at the Moscow Aviation Institute, where he travels by his own car, leads a group to defend scientists accused of treason, and actively criticizes totalitarianism. His energies are envied by young scientists.

About that vague, as Yuri Alekseevich expresses it, the time of the transition of the country and Russian science on a new, rather unsteady path, we are talking about a new reform of the Russian Academy of Sciences, about scientists-"spies" in his Moscow apartment on Academician Zelinsky Street.

"Academy of Sciences of the RSFSR? What nonsense?

Yuri Alekseevich, in the "revolutionary" year of 1991 you were the rector of the Moscow Aviation Institute, a member of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, headed the Committee of the Armed Forces on Science and Technology - pretty decent achievement list for the post of prime minister. Why did you still refuse to head the Government of Russia?

Because, frankly, I was not very good at economics. And I understood that, firstly, in that situation of real economic devastation, which was in the country in those years, some scammers could easily fool me, and what would this lead to the whole country? Secondly, I could just overstrain, and then we would not talk to you today (smiles).

Yes. Silaeva, former minister aviation industry, I advised him for the post of chairman of the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR, because I knew him well. He held out until the complete collapse of the USSR, after which he was replaced by Yegor Gaidar, and soon after - Viktor Chernomyrdin. But each time, Boris Nikolayevich first offered to take the vacant vacancy to me. Until now, every year on November 15, members of the Gaidar government gather in Moscow, where they invite me, and each time Gennady Burbulis (Yeltsin’s closest ally. - N.V.) says the same words to the general joyful hum and jokes, which seem to have already become a tradition: “If back in 1991 this person (points to me) had accepted the post of prime minister, then we would not be here with you.”

When I was offered to head the newly created Academy of Sciences of the RSFSR, I replied: “What nonsense? Now the Government of the RSFSR has been created, which sits in the White House - and who needs this superstructure when the Government of the USSR sits in Moscow and decides everything? I also don’t understand the role of the Academy of the RSFSR under the existing Academy of Sciences of the USSR.”

What were the counter arguments?

As I understand it, Yeltsin even then wanted to separate from the central government: the RSFSR had to be with its own government, with its own academy, and so on. And again, I offered him another candidate instead of myself - Yuri Sergeevich Osipov. I once said to Yeltsin: "My good comrade, your countryman from Sverdlovsk is now in Moscow, he could head the academy." Yeltsin quickly found him. Soon Yuri Sergeevich calls me and says that he was offered the position of president of the academy. Before the putsch, he managed to hold elections to the new Academy of the RSFSR.

Who entered it?

Russian scientists - members of the USSR Academy of Sciences entered it automatically. Some were taken - for example, Ruslan Khasbulatov was then elected a corresponding member (he was then chairman of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR). Many voted for him.

And what about members of the "big" Academy of the USSR from other republics?

They became academicians of their national academies.

Whose side were you on during the ensuing coup?

Of course, on the side of Yeltsin! We were together in the Interregional Deputy Group, which also included Andrei Sakharov and Gavriil Popov. We thought about the fate of the country. When the coup began, I had just returned to Moscow from vacation. In the morning, having called the driver, I decided to call on Burbulis in The White house to find out what's going on, and then - to MAI. However, I had to get stuck in the Government House for all three days, everything turned out to be more serious than I thought.

What did Burbulis say?

He was not in the White House, he was in Arkhangelsk - this is the former recreation center of the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR. Yeltsin, Silaev and Khasbulatov were also there. I was connected to Burbulis, but suddenly Yeltsin snatched the phone from his hands and said loudly: “Yuri Alekseevich, we are preparing an appeal against the putschists, gather journalists, people, we will drive up now.” I told him: “There are tanks in the city, people. You probably can't get through." "No, we'll break through!" - answers. They were miraculously released by the special services that were on duty near Arkhangelsk. If Kryuchkov (the last chairman of the KGB of the USSR Vladimir Kryuchkov. - N.V.) was then more decisive, they could have been destroyed all there, but they arrived. We took the stage inside the White House, in front of which there were about two thousand people, and Silaev began to read the famous appeal against the putschists, signed by President Yeltsin, Chairman of the Supreme Soviet Khasbulatov and Chairman of the Council of Ministers Silaev. When the chairman of the Council of Ministers finished reading, Yeltsin pushed us apart, who were standing on the stage, and told the people: "Now scatter and spread all this to the people." And then he asks me: “Were there foreign journalists in the hall?” “Of course,” I say. - Full! Well, after Yeltsin got out on the street on the tank, and I stood next to him. Korzhakov, his bodyguard, for some reason reminded us all the time that there should be a meter and a half from each of us to the nearest person for security reasons, but no one listened to him ...

Well, what good did Yeltsin offer? What were you fighting for?

I supported democracy and was against Soviet power.

What did the word "democracy" mean to you? As we understood later, the country completely switched to importing food, equipment ...

We had a complete economic collapse then, there was no food. Speculators held products and sold from under the floor. But Gaidar legalized this business, he said: if there is a product - put it on the market, and how much they pay you, sell it for that much! If this had not been done, we would have had a civil war.

What, in your opinion, was the mistake of the then government?

I later reproached Gaidar in hindsight: “You decided that if you liberate the economy, then it will create the correct system of state institutions that are necessary to protect personal property, society and the state. But that didn't happen." In 1990 we had an attempt to create a concept of national security. I came up with this idea to Gorbachev, and he said: “Here, let’s develop it!” He appointed me chairman of the commission of 19 people's deputies ... But, alas, we worked for only 40 days, having managed to proclaim two theses. First: security is not only a state-political concept, it also has such components as economic, environmental and information. And the second: the priorities of the rights and freedoms of the individual, and only then - society and the state, if the latter is able to provide the first two.

What happened after 40 days?

We were told this: "The Ryzhov Commission has completed its work, the president is taking over the country's security issues." As I learned later, in the summer of 1990, three security officials came to Gorbachev, talked to him, and he began to roll back.

The fight against spy mania

From 1992 to 1998, you worked as an ambassador to France, and upon your return, you began to actively engage in human rights activities. Tell us more about it.

Yes, I started doing this when they started jailing scientists-"spies". There were five of us, human rights activists from science, then: your obedient servant, Nobel laureate Academician of the Russian Academy of Sciences Vitaly Ginzburg, my good friend and comrade Seryozha Kapitsa, Lyudmila Mikhailovna Alekseeva and human rights activist Ernst Cherny. Unfortunately, Ginzburg and Kapitsa are no longer alive, but we continue our work: we write letters in defense of scientists to various authorities and to the president. Two sonorous names of our wards were actively exaggerated in the press: this is a Krasnoyarsk scientist, former director of the Thermophysical Center of KSTU, a well-known specialist in space plasma in Russia Valentin Danilov, sentenced in November 2004 by a court to 14 years in prison for spying for China. Fortunately, full term he did not have to sit: on November 24, 2012, the 68-year-old scientist was released on parole and came to visit us in Moscow.

Our second client is 51-year-old Muscovite Igor Sutyagin, former employee, Candidate of Historical Sciences. In 2004, despite the fact that he did not have a formalized access to classified materials, he was convicted under article 275 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation for high treason. In 2010, after spending almost 11 years in prison, he was released as a result of an exchange of convicts between Russia and the United States, after which he moved to the UK. (He was exchanged for Anna Chapman. - N.V.).

We fought for it for a long time. He, like me, was engaged in aerodynamics all his life, he worked in the rocket and space complex for 46 years. On the day he was taken to the pre-trial detention center, the directorate of TsNIIMash issued an order: “In connection with his retirement, for high merits, express gratitude to V. Lapygin ...”

As far as is known, he, like Danilov, was accused of selling secrets to the Chinese. But what could they sell, how?

I know that Danilov, as a researcher at the Krasnoyarsk Physicotechnical Institute, concluded a preliminary agreement with the state Chinese organization. I saw these papers in Chinese, English and Russian, where he suggested that they make a vacuum chamber to simulate two or three conditions in the space environment, such as ultraviolet radiation and an electron beam. To understand the issue, I will say that there are a thousand such phenomena in space, and only two countries can now simulate them on a full scale using two installations. One is with us (it is capable of simulating everything, including nuclear radiation), the second is with the Americans. Danilov, on the other hand, received a $300 advance ... And one of his employees, who were aware of the matter, but were not included in the group of performers, “snitched” on him.

You say that Danilov acted officially, on behalf of the Krasnoyarsk Technical University. Isn't that what our engine specialists from Khimki are doing, manufacturing and selling our unique space engines in the USA?

Wait, are you looking for logic in all this?

Certainly.

Useless! I will tell you this: there is nothing in our country that would be of interest to a potential enemy. Except maybe some strategic possible plans. But in the field of technology and science - definitely not.

Even for the Chinese and Koreans?

In a big way - no, I assure you. The Chinese now refuse to buy under license even our fighters - they say that this is already yesterday. India refused to buy products of our aviation industry ...

Well, you are probably not quite right here: at the last MAKS (International Aviation and Space Salon in Zhukovsky), contracts were concluded for the purchase of our Superjets.

It's all nonsense. This project was laid down in the 80s, and the implementation was delayed right up to our time. Here they write that a contract has been signed for a hundred pieces, for several years stretched ... The question is: there is an internal market here - will any of our airlines buy it? There are no such companies.

Why won't they buy?

When I saw it for the first time, I asked: “What is this, a medium-haul liner?” - "Yes". - "Can he land on any of our more or less decent airfields?" - "Yes". So, I say that you can not hang the engine under the wing, when the lower edge of the input device is 50 cm from the strip - any bump, and it will fly off! Hit and fly off. Therefore, it is safe only in good lanes, which we do not have very many. This is first. Secondly, the aircraft does not satisfy the guaranteed service companies - they would rather lease a used Boeing or Airbus. All our leading airlines fly on them. Thirdly, the "Superjet" lagged behind technologically - it took too long to make ... Fourthly, all its components are foreign: from engines to electronics. Once I was in TsAGI, and there they showed me excellent German equipment for testing the panels of the Superjet aircraft for fatigue (when the part is subjected to strong vibration). I look, the carbon fiber panel is shaking. I was delighted, I say to Chernyshov (general director of TsAGI. - N.V.): “Is this a panel of our, Khotkovo production?” "No," he says, "Holland." And I thought that at least we are responsible for the shape of the apparatus, because the aerodynamics in our Union was the best ...

In Zhukovsky, contracts were signed for a hundred Superjet aircraft with delivery within two to three years (they cannot be made faster under our production conditions). But we must not forget that the liner has foreign competitors, not necessarily even American or European - Brazilian and Canadian. Their companies produce aircraft by the dozens, if not hundreds, a year, and there are queues behind them all over the world. I'm not talking about Boeing and Airbus, which produce large long-haul aircraft. They "stamp" them by 300 cars (!) per year. And what are the chances after that for our unfortunate "Superjet"? ..

As an ambassador to France, I fought to make a huge A-380 airliner together with Airbus. The project was laid in the mid-90s. We sought to be commissioned to make large wing panels. We then had large presses that allowed us to stamp them very accurately. But, unfortunately, I failed to come to an agreement, the French did without our help. They made it. I managed to see him in the air even before my departure, in 1999. Our aviation industry, alas, has died irreversibly - I guarantee you that.

“The answer is simple: don’t come back!”

What way out do you propose from the current extremely difficult situation?

None! Technology has lagged behind since the early 1970s, when R&D spending plummeted, even in the defense industry.

What caused it?

Backlog!

To you, as a member of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, the question is: why did the backlog arise?

I came to the USSR Armed Forces when everything was already dead, before that I was the rector of the Moscow Aviation Institute and was a member of the USSR Academy of Sciences. But I'll tell you why they fell behind. Firstly, we underestimated the “enemy” science of cybernetics, therefore we very quickly rolled back in microelectronics, in information systems. BESM-6 (Large electronic calculating machine. - N.V.) existed in the country since 1950, but only in two copies and was loaded exclusively with calculations for nuclear scientists. It was a tube, but when we switched to semiconductor circuits, here we already degraded step by step. And this despite the fact that our academician, Nobel laureate Zhores Alferov stood at the origins of the development of semiconductors. “Here,” he says to me at one of the meetings about ten years ago, showing the Nokia gadget, “this is me.” I answer: “I know that your discoveries of 30 years ago could not have done here. Only I have one question: why is it written “Nokia” and not “Zhores” here? .. "

Your words are full of pessimism. Do you tell your students the same thing? But they and we still have to live and live in Russia ...

The answer is simple. When Mr. Medvedev invited our young people, mostly scientists, to return from abroad, I wrote an article entitled "Don't Come Back!" and all the arguments in it are a reminder of which country they left. The country is on the verge of a terrible collapse. It just won't be that easy.

It's easy to say leave. What if someone can't or doesn't want to?

Then get ready for what happens in Russia at the time of a systemic crisis (in Russian - unrest). There have been two in the last 100 years. The first systemic crisis began to accumulate even under Alexander III, who tightened the screws until a crisis arose in the armed forces, dissatisfaction with the catastrophic loss of “some kind of Japan”, internal discontent among the elites and among the common people accumulated. And already under Nicholas II, the tsarist empire collapsed, and a new state arose, in which I lived almost all my life. The second turmoil was brewing with the complete collapse of the economy in August 1991 ...

“Officials carried out a forced seizure of the academy”

Let's go back to the present. The reform of the academy, which began immediately after the election of a new president of the Russian Academy of Sciences in 2013, shocked scientists. Many did not believe in what was happening, held a meeting near the State Duma, seeking the abolition of the bill on the merger of the three academies into one and depriving the RAS of the ability to manage academic institutions. However, nothing happened. Why do you think?

It was necessary to actively, through networks, spread the call for opposition. Then there would be more of us. But the information war was lost. After all, it was mostly ordinary employees who rallied. And of the members of the academy, only 70 people out of 700 signed the protest statement. It turns out that only 10% signed - wonderful people, not accidental in the academy, naturalists: mathematicians, physicists, chemists ... It has always been an active liberal, democratic force.

I would not say that Zhores Alferov, who was among the signatories against the reform of the Russian Academy of Sciences, is a liberal.

Yes, Alferov is not a liberal. But we still acted with him as one front against the collapse of the academy. I said then that our views do not coincide politically in everything, but here we are united. We both defended science: he defended physics, I defended mathematics and mechanics.

Some now reproach the current president of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Vladimir Fortov, with excessive political correctness in relation to the reformers. I would like to know your opinion on this matter.

When Fortov went to the polls, he had two rivals who came out with thin pamphlets with trivial texts about the greatness of science. And only Fortov had a rather serious program, which included an analysis of the financial, organizational state of the academy with graphs, tables, as well as a plan for reforming the academy. Fortov was elected, as you know, easily. And then what happened happened - the destruction of the academy. I believe that it was precisely destroyed at the very moment when it turned out that an organization of FANO officials was hanging over it ( federal agency scientific organizations. - N. V.).

Why did the officials need it? It was evident that nothing good would come of such a reform; hundreds of academicians told them about it.

The Academy has long possessed a huge material base, which was created in the USSR to support the military-industrial complex. These are buildings, test sites, and research ships. Imagine what wealth!

Who was the ideologue of the collapse?

What do you think, did you call from the Kremlin and give commands? Now most officials are oriented like dogs to the wind, and their the main task: predict what will please the authorities. Guessed or not in this case - who knows?

I believe that as soon as Fortov was hung with a collar in the form of FANO around his neck, he should have slammed the door and gone to his brilliant Institute of High Temperatures, which he directs.

But Fortov said in one of his interviews that he really cares about what remains after him. Well, if they put in his place a functionary who does not care for the academy - he would still destroy it even faster.

It's hard for me to judge Fortov. I will say for myself: I live in Okudzhava - my honor, conscience, dignity and reputation are more important to me.

You say it well, but someone has to pull the country out of the swamp.

There is someone, there are 140 million people in the country ...

Well, probably Fortov is one of them?

Of course, he is endowed with authority, his position is equivalent to the position of a member of the Government of the Russian Federation. But nevertheless, everything happened… Institutes were kicked out from under the Russian Academy of Sciences, completely different scientific organizations are being united into single centers. The same is happening in education, with universities. Our MAI has already been merged with MATI ... But once our science was at such a high level that we successfully sent apparatuses to Halley's comet with the same Vladimir Evgenievich ...

An amazing person with an incredible mind, a scientist with a capital letter, and, moreover, an honest and fair politician - Yuri Alekseevich Ryzhov. The biography will be of interest to all fans of his works and will not leave indifferent even those who are not yet familiar with his activities.

Early childhood and youth

Yuri Alekseevich was born in 1930, on October 28, (he has already celebrated his 85th birthday) in Moscow (in the central industrial region). He grew up and was brought up in the very center of the capital, surrounded by courtyards and the identity of the famous Arbat street. Since childhood, he loved to read. fiction, often made various toys and was interested in the world order, constantly asking tricky questions to the elders. As a teenager, he became very interested in astronomy, began to study the questions of the origin of the Universe, and even specially signed up for the library to read more serious books.

School years

Ryzhov Yuri Alekseevich studied at one of the oldest gymnasiums in Moscow - in Medvednikovskaya (later renamed the 59th school named after N.V. Gogol). From elementary school to graduation, he studied with the famous Russian physicist and mathematician Viktor Pavlovich Maslov. They were friends and the two of them prepared for the lessons, and also very often argued on the most different topics. His parents, in particular, his mother, did their best to educate him German although French was studied at school. At the end of the 10th grade, Academician Ryzhov Yuri Alekseevich received a certificate, which indicated knowledge of two languages ​​(German and French). Although, as the academician himself says, they were not useful to him, because all scientific articles and books eventually began to be published in English, so he had to learn it as well.

Special Talents

Not everyone knows, but Yuri Alekseevich is an absolute left-hander, just like Leonardo da Vinci. But he knows how to write simultaneously with both hands at once, and with his left he is able to write the same text, only symmetrical to that written with his right.

During his school years, our hero was engaged in painting, and then the teachers noticed that he was left-handed. IN Soviet years it was customary to retrain children, so he was forced to write right hand- he eventually got used to and acquired his talent to work simultaneously with his left hand. As Yuri Alekseevich himself admits, he is a little flattered when someone compares him with da Vinci himself, citing the fact that he also knew how to write symmetrical texts.

Years of study at the university and the first research work

After graduating from the 59th school, the future academician Ryzhov Yuri Alekseevich, without hesitation for a long time, decided to enter the country's most important and prestigious technical university at that time - the Moscow Institute of Physics and Technology (Physics and Technology). In 1949, having passed all the entrance exams with honors, he was successfully enrolled in the very famous faculty of the Aeromechanics Institute. Starting from the second year, Yuri Alekseevich began to cooperate with the TsAGI Research Institute. Zhukovsky. There he studied aerostatics and aeromechanics of rockets in the air-ground-air system, and he also experimentally proved many theories related to aerodynamics. He worked at TsAGI until 1958, then the great scientist G. I. Petrov (who respected Ryzhov's research work) invited him to work in a more attractive place. For this reason, since 1958, he began working at the M.V. Keldysh Research Center, where he already studied more complex issues related to aerodynamics high speeds.

The best years spent at MAI

In 1961, Yuri Alekseevich Ryzhov (whose biography changed dramatically as a result of this act) decided to take up leadership work and left NII-1 (Keldysh Research Center). He was invited to take the post of vice-rector, to which he agreed. A few years later he became the chief assistant professor and then the rector of the most advanced university in Russia, the Moscow Aviation Institute. It so happened that he worked at the Moscow Aviation Institute from 1961 to 1992, and then again began active work at the same institute, but already in 1999.

During his leadership activities at the Aviation Institute, Yuri Alekseevich Ryzhov did a great job of improving the quality of education and equipment for research work of students. Thanks to his requests sent to the Ministry, in 1982 one personal computer was allocated to the faculty for collective work. After a while, the entire institute was equipped with the most advanced American computers at that time.

Activities of the scientist and academician of the Russian Academy of Sciences Yuri Alekseevich Ryzhov

Even in his student years, Yuri Alekseevich began active work on the study of the aerodynamics of supersonic speeds. After some time, he defended his doctoral thesis and received the well-deserved title of academician of sciences. He devoted all his works to the most difficult problems, such as the dynamics of a rarefied gas, various processes in a gas flow and the interaction of atomic particles with other surfaces, as well as the processes of unsteady heat transfer.

Ryzhov Yuri Alekseevich - Doctor of Technical Sciences, from 1987 to the present day is considered a full member of the Russian Academy of Sciences. For all his work on the study of aircraft, he received prizes and awards several times.

As Yuri Alekseevich himself recalls, back in the 1980s he dreamed of reviving aeronautics in Russia. He even asked the government to allocate funds for the study and development of the aircraft. Scientists in Ulyanovsk aviation complex according to Ryzhov's plan, they developed a huge apparatus, which is still in the hangar. Then the whole world, all foreign magazines only talked about the new plan and developments of the Soviet academician Ryzhov. However, a crisis began in those years, and the Ministry of Science did not have enough money to develop this industry.

After Yuri Alekseevich returned from Paris (he was the main authorized ambassador), he developed the new kind aircraft and decided to build an airship. Unfortunately, it was also not completed due to lack of financial support.

Ryzhov Yuri Alekseevich: and titles

You can talk endlessly about inexhaustible energy dear Yuri Alekseevich, he held as many posts as no other Russian academician ever held. The scientist Ryzhov has an incredible talent for rational management, perhaps for this reason he was twice offered to head the Russian government (even under Yeltsin). Later, in 2010, (the left opposition of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation) offered to nominate him as a candidate for the presidency. However, each time he refused a high position.

From 1992 to 1998 he served as Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of Russia to France. It was one of the most prestigious positions, because the one who possessed it had enormous power and influence on the solution of global international problems.

Since 1992, he has also become a member of the Presidential Council of the Russian Federation. In this position, he develops proposals and strategies to improve not only the economic condition of the country, but is also engaged in landscaping social life Russians.

Perhaps the most memorable activity of Ryzhov can be called the period when he was elected to People's Deputies and won, significantly beating his opponents. From 1989 to 1992 he was a People's Deputy of the USSR.

At the same time, namely in 1990-1991, he served as First Deputy of the Supreme Political Consultative Council under the Government of the RSFSR. In 1991 he was elected Chairman of the USSR Council for Science, Education and New Technologies.

Proceedings of the Russian academician Ryzhov

Ryzhov Yuri Alekseevich is a Russian scientist who has invested all his strength and efforts in the development of aeronautical and aircraft in Russia. He studied many issues related to aerodynamics (this is both aeromechanics and aerostatics) of high supersonic speeds. All his works became the basis for the study and development of modern aircraft. The scientific works of the academician are used in the development of the latest engines.

He has more than 50 years of studying aerodynamics behind him, more than 40 works have been written, the same number of scientific articles and publications in reputable foreign and domestic journals. Among other things, Yuri Alekseevich has several patents for the development of aircraft engines.

The merits of Yuri Alekseevich before the Fatherland

Ryzhov Yuri Alekseevich, whose services to the Fatherland cannot be counted, has the largest number of awards and prizes in various fields. Apart from scientific activity the scientist was also involved in politics, for this reason he can be considered one of the most active political figures of our time. In the spring of 1999, he received the highest degree for his enormous contribution to and effective conduct of Russia's foreign policy.

During the Soviet era, he was awarded various orders several times. For example, in 1970 he received his first Order of the Red Banner of Labor (V. I. Lenin himself was awarded the same Order) for great labor services to the USSR in the field of science and public education.

In 1982, for his scientific work "On the dynamic hysteresis and aerodynamic characteristics of an aircraft wing" he was awarded the honorary prize named after N. E. Zhukovsky, 1st degree. In addition to these awards, Academician Ryzhov is a real winner of many other awards (USSR State Prize, Order of the Badge of Honor, Prize of the President of the Russian Federation, etc.).

Political views of the academician on the current situation in Russia

Ryzhov Yuri Alekseevich, whose awards he received for merits in various fields, ranging from scientific activity to political activity, has always been known as a true liberal in matters of politics and economics. Academician Ryzhov is known for his famous letters and signatures demanding the resignation of Russian President Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin. He is now a member of the opposition party and always speaks openly about his views on the current situation in the country. He also made a statement demanding to stop the aggressive policy towards Ukraine, withdraw all troops from the territory and stop providing any assistance (material and military support) to the separatists who are active in the south-east of Ukraine.

In his opinion, Russia has fallen into decay, the country needs to be urgently saved, and it is necessary to change not only the current government (including the president himself and all responsible officials), but also the management system itself. By changing the political course, by directing all forces and resources into the development of science and education, medicine and industry, it will be possible to achieve at least some economic improvement in the country, Academician Ryzhov believes.

Academician Ryzhov's childhood memories of repressions

"Fortunately, the years of repression did not great harm my family and loved ones,” recalls the academician. However, in one of the interviews, Ryzhov shared a story about his father, who was nevertheless affected by the harsh laws of that time. A classic story when their family received an anonymous denunciation that employees of the Polish embassy were gathering in their apartment (and in those years Poland was considered one of the main enemies of the USSR). Of course, his father was immediately taken into custody and immediately to Butyrka for interrogation! Eevich, both mother and father were people of iron will, and it was by their example that they taught children to be strong and responsible.

(October 28, 1930 - July 29, 2017)

Academician of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Chairman of the Scientific Council of the Russian Academy of Sciences "History of World Culture", member of the Scientific Council of the Archive of the Russian Academy of Sciences, member of the Scientific Council of the Russian Academy of Sciences on the complex problem "History of the Russian Academy of Sciences"; Head of the Department of Aircraft Aerodynamics of the Moscow Aviation Institute (MAI) and Chairman of the Presidium of the Council of the MAI NanoCenter; Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary Ambassador of the Russian Federation

Outstanding Russian scientist in the field of aerodynamics, organizer higher education, a prominent state and political figure, diplomat and human rights activist.

In 1954 he graduated from the Moscow Institute of Physics and Technology (Dolgoprudny) with a degree in Aeromechanics.

Candidate of Technical Sciences in 1960, Doctor of Technical Sciences - in 1970.
Corresponding member of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR - 1981, full member of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR - 1987

His main works are in the field of aerodynamics of supersonic speeds, rarefied gas dynamics, interaction of atomic-scale particles with the surface, non-equilibrium processes in a gas flow, non-stationary heat transfer.

USSR State Prize in 1983 for the aerodynamics of a lander for Venus.

N.E. Zhukovsky Prize in 1985 for research on the aerodynamic hysteresis of aircraft with low aspect ratio wings.

Until 1958, he worked at TsAGI (Zhukovsky), engaged in experimental and theoretical aerodynamics of air-to-air and ground-to-air missiles.

1958-1961 - worked at the Research Center named after M.V. Keldysh (then NII-1), where he was engaged in research in the field of high-speed aerodynamics.

1961-1992 - at the Moscow Aviation Institute: associate professor, professor, vice-rector, rector. Headed the Department of Aerodynamics of the Moscow Aviation Institute.

1989-1991 - People's Deputy of the USSR, member of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, Chairman of the Committee on Science and Technology. One of the organizers of the Interregional Deputy Group of the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR.

1992-1999 - Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the Russian Federation to France.

Member of the Presidential Council (from 1990 to 1999).

1994-2000s - President of the International engineering university.

Member of the National Pugwash Committee (2001-2012 - Chairman of the NPC), member of the Board of Trustees of the INDEM Foundation. Active participant in the Congress of the Russian Intelligentsia and the Round Table on December 12th.

He was awarded the orders of the USSR - the Red Banner of Labor (1970), the Badge of Honor (1976), the October Revolution (1986), as well as the Order of the Russian Federation "For Services to the Fatherland, III degree" (1999). Knight of the Legion of Honor (France, 1999). Awarded with the medal "Defender of Free Russia" (1997)

Laureate State Prize USSR (1983), awards to them. NOT. Zhukovsky "For best job in Aviation Theory" (1988), MAI Prizes, Prizes of the President of the Russian Federation (2000), Prizes of the Moscow Helsinki Group in the field of human rights protection (2016)

According to him in January 2015, Russia “has reached a complete dead end. She entered a systemic crisis, which in Russian is called Troubles, somewhere around 2009-2010. In the last interview, taken a few days before his death, Yuri Ryzhov expressed the opinion that Putin would not leave power, and Russia would rot.

Yuri Alekseevich died on July 29, 2017. The farewell ceremony took place on August 2 at the Sakharov Center in Moscow. The urn with the ashes of Yu.A. Ryzhov was buried at the Vagankovsky cemetery.

SWOP members say

The Presidium of the Council on Foreign and Defense Policy informs the members and friends of the SWOP with deep regret that on July 29, 2017, Yuri Alekseevich Ryzhov, a prominent Russian scientist, academician of the Russian Academy of Sciences, a public and political figure, passed away. Yuri Alekseevich stood at the origins of the creation of the Council on Foreign and Defense Policy in 1992 and participated in the work of our organization until the last days. He last came to the annual SWOP Assembly in April of this year, despite serious illness. Everyone who knew Yuri Alekseevich, regardless of whether they shared his views or not, appreciated his will, adherence to principles, conviction, and most importantly, a sense of absolute inner freedom, which never left Academician Ryzhov, no matter what he did. He was one of those people who should be equal and from whom one should take an example. This loss is irreparable and it is impossible to forget Yury Alekseevich.

Fyodor Lukyanov, Chairman of the Presidium of the SVOP

** *

An honest and pure man has left us, a great scientist, a tireless fighter for the democratic European path of development of Russia, at the origins of which he stood in the late 80s of the last century and in the choice of which he made a huge personal contribution.

There was no very good, warm and humble person, our dear friend and colleague.

May he forever remain a standard for the next generations of scientists and public figures, no matter how difficult it may be for them to continue the work of Academician Ryzhov.

Sincere condolences to the family and friends of Yuri Alekseevich.

Alexey and Nadezhda Arbatov

** *

Since May, together with Lev Shemaev (it was his initiative) they were going to visit a friend at the beginning of the democratic movement, Yuri Alekseevich Ryzhov ...

Academician, deputy, ambassador, failed prime minister. A sincere and intelligent person. Extremely sincere and sensitive to falsehood.

First his ill health got in the way, then my short rebound in the USA. During this time, Lev, together with Sergei Trube, visited.

I, too, was in a hurry, knowing that Yuri Alekseevich's health had deteriorated greatly.

July 22 agreed to meet. (To be honest, we agreed on Friday, but I mixed up the days - at the dacha they merge - and stunned him with a call on Thursday that we were going).

I called for Shemaev, and together we went to Zelinsky Street to visit.

The door to the apartment was open: the owner had bad feet, he didn’t have the strength to open the door, and he preferred to live in the “open door” mode.

The house was clean and tidy. Grandson Sergei had just left, and in general it was clear that, as often happens, he was not left alone with sores.

We met happily. I gave him a photo from a long time ago, and together, as it should be, we started to reminisce about the victories achieved and the missed opportunities.

I asked him why he refused several times Yeltsin, who offered him the post of prime minister. Avoiding answering (it was evident that since then he himself regretted it more than once, and therefore limited himself to the words “well, what did I understand in economics?”), He said: “You still don’t know that he offered me to head the Russian Academy.” We talked about the options for reforming the Academy of Sciences, which were in 90-91. Here we saw the situation somewhat differently. He was a supporter of the creation of a parallel allied Russian academy with the automatic inclusion of all Russian academicians in it (this is what they did in the end). I said how many quasi-scientists there were in the academy who advanced along the nomenclature line, and that it was necessary to create the Russian academy anew, fewer in number, higher in quality. He agreed. He told how he introduced Yeltsin to his countryman and future president of the academy Yu. Osipov. He was extremely dissatisfied with the current reform of the Russian Academy of Sciences (the creation of FANO, merging with the medical and agricultural academies, the breaking of hands in connection with the election of a new president).

I confess that I also had a substantive interest in this meeting: I wanted to discuss with an outstanding specialist in the field of experimental aerodynamics one idea that had recently come to mind. He was very pleased when Ryzhov grasped the essence of the proposal from half a turn and said that it did not look absurd, but that it required serious calculations. He immediately added that the industry is now in such decline that, as it seems to him, there is simply no one in Russia to entrust this. We talked about the problems of the industry, and it turned out that he, too, had been thinking for a long time about the fact that the combat qualities of aircraft today should be assessed by completely different parameters than yesterday (invisibility, radar power, missile range, integration into an interspecific control system) and that a new medium-range aircraft for Russia must necessarily be executed according to the upper plan.

His monologue about research and achievements of the past years began. He very clearly avoided discussing issues that claim to be state secrets. And with great pleasure he remembered those with whom the aerospace industry brought him together. Suffice it to say that he defended his dissertation in the academic council, which was led (and chaired the defense) by M. Keldysh, and the defense itself almost failed due to the fact that his opponent, S. Belotserkovsky, an outstanding specialist in aerodynamics and head of engineering training of the first Soviet cosmonauts, was late. The time was so hot that “Do you think after the defense I went to celebrate? Nah, I went to my place to complete the experiment!

They hardly talked about politics - everything is clear for many years to come, and what to spoil your mood.

Toward the end of the conversation on the phone, the singer and producer Elena Kamburova joined us, which gave the conversation a completely domestic character.

Warmly said goodbye and he asked to visit him again. They promised. I'm sure we won't cheat. We will visit, but talk - alas! - we can no longer.

On the way back, Shemaev told the story of Yeltsin and Ryzhov's acquaintance.

Early 1989. There was a campaign for the election of deputies of the first Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR. The headquarters of the disgraced Yeltsin agreed to hold a meeting with voters at the Moscow Aviation Institute, whose rector was Ryzhov (he was elected by the labor collective in the same 1996 when Yeltsin headed the Moscow city committee).

Yeltsin was then unsure of himself, his future, and at first his assistants almost had to lead him out of the house by the hand.

While walking along the Arbat, they came across Ryzhov. “Are you sure that the planned meeting will take place? Yeltsin asked. “I know how much pressure is put on you by the city committee.”

The answer was clearly unusual for the former secretary of the Central Committee, who had known the “yawning heights”: “What am I to you, a boy or what? Ryzhov answered sharply. “Since I said there will be a meeting, then there will be.”

This is how their human relationship developed. They worked together in the last Soviet parliament, left the CPSU together, and were together during the 1991 coup.

I met Yuri Alekseevich during the work of the Moscow deputy group in May 1989. He was very smart and charming, with an irresistible smile and a great sense of humor.

It seems to me that he greatly underestimated his potential, which forced him to leave the stage whenever he could and should have been a soloist on it. He was one of those who are the only warrior in the field, but did not want to become a commander. As a result, the democratic movement lost strong leader which would help its organizational cohesion and political survival.

When in 2000 I planned final stage to achieve this goal (organizational unity of democratic forces) and organized the signing of a “pact of united actions” by Yabloko and the Union of Right Forces (Yavlinsky and Kiriyenko), one of the guarantors of this process, along with Y. Afanasyev, S. Filatov and E. Yakovlev, invited Y. Ryzhov, who willingly responded to this request.

In subsequent years, he continued his scientific and teaching work, was extremely active in public life, trying to breathe hope into those who were discouraged by the destruction of democratic institutions and supported, who, growing up, aspired to past (and, no doubt, future) ideals to rely on.

Birthday October 28, 1930

Soviet and Russian scientist in the field of fluid and gas mechanics, political and public figure, diplomat, academician of the Russian Academy of Sciences

Biography

In 1954 he graduated from the Moscow Institute of Physics and Technology with a degree in Aeromechanics.

Until 1958, he worked at TsAGI (Zhukovsky), engaged in experimental and theoretical aerodynamics of air-to-air and ground-to-air missiles.

From 1958 to 1961 he worked at the M.V. Keldysh Research Center (then NII-1), where he was engaged in research in the field of high-speed aerodynamics.

In 1961-1992 and since 1999 he has been working at the Moscow Aviation Institute: associate professor, professor, vice-rector, rector (1986-1992), head of the department of aerodynamics since 2003.

Member of the CPSU from 1960 to 1990. In 1989-1992 - People's Deputy of the USSR.

1989-1991 - Member of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, Chairman of the Committee of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR on Science and Technology. One of the organizers of the Interregional Deputy Group of the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR.

1990-1991 - First Deputy Chairman of the Supreme Political Consultative Council under the Chairman of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR.

In 1991 - Chairman of the Committee of the Council of the Union of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR on Science, Technology and Education and a member of the Political Advisory Council under the President of the USSR.

1991-1998 - Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of Russia to France.

1992-1993 - Member of the Presidential Advisory Council of the Russian Federation, since 1993 - Member of the Presidential Council of the Russian Federation.

Since 1994 - President of the International Engineering University.

Chairman of the Russian Pugwash Committee at the Presidium of the Russian Academy of Sciences since 2001, member of the Council of the Pugwash Movement of Scientists since 2002, chairman of the Scientific Council of the Russian Academy of Sciences "History of World Culture", chairman of the jury of the scientific section of the independent award "Triumph", member of the Public Committee for the Protection of Scientists, member of the National Committee of Russia on Theoretical and Applied Mechanics, member of the Board of Trustees of the Indem Foundation, member of the Council on Foreign and Defense Policy. He was a member of the founding council of the Moscow News newspaper.

On October 4, 2010, Alexei Kondaurov and Andrey Piontkovsky published an article on the Grani.Ru website entitled “How do we defeat kleptocracy”, where they proposed to nominate a single candidate from the right and left opposition from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation for the presidency. As candidates, they proposed to nominate one of the Russian elders. Along with Zhores Alferov and Viktor Gerashchenko, they also announced the candidacy of Yuri Ryzhov.

Proceedings

His main works are in the field of aerodynamics of supersonic speeds, rarefied gas dynamics, interaction of atomic-scale particles with the surface, non-equilibrium processes in a gas flow, non-stationary heat transfer.

Awards

• Order "For Merit to the Fatherland" III degree (April 5, 1999) - for services to the state and a significant contribution to the conduct of Russia's foreign policy
• Order of the October Revolution (1986)
• Order of the Red Banner of Labor (1970)
• Order of the Badge of Honor (1976)
• Medal "Defender of Free Russia" (August 20, 1997) - for the performance of civic duty in the defense of democracy and the constitutional order on August 19-21, 1991
• Grand Officer of the Legion of Honor (France, 1999)
• Laureate of the Prize of the President of the Russian Federation (2000)
• Laureate of the State Prize of the USSR (1983) "for the aerodynamics of the lander for Venus"
• Laureate of the Prize. N. E. Zhukovsky - for the best work on the theory of aviation