Minister of Foreign Affairs at 60. Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the USSR

Recently, while discussing politics, a good friend of mine attacked me like an angry panther: “What? You wrote Lavrov as non-Russian?? He’s Russian - his last name ends with “ov”!”

But the fact is that, starting from the emergence of a state called the Russian Federation on December 25, 1991, and until now, we have not had not a single Russian foreign minister.

First Minister of Foreign Affairs Russian Federation from 1990 to 1996 there was Andrey Vladimirovich Kozyrev. There is no information about his parents on Wikipedia, but it is mentioned that since 2001 he has been one of the members of the presidium of the Russian Jewish Congress. And on the website jewage.org he is listed as one of the famous Jews.

Andrei Vladimirovich Kozyrev, first Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation (photo from here).
Let's not argue with Jewish sites and organizations. They probably know who belongs and who doesn’t.

For some reason, there is a popular opinion among ordinary citizens that if you are a Jew, you must be smart. But here’s what the site compromat.ru writes about Kozyrev

It was precisely this task that the unfortunate minister Andrei Kozyrev failed to cope with, who during his lifetime turned into a “walking joke” and amazed with his servility, amateurism and intellectual squalor. After five years of activity of “dear Andrei” in the Foreign Ministry’s field, his owner gradually ceased to be taken seriously and to show due “signs of attention” at the international level. ()

Currently lives with his family in Miami, USA, criticizes the political system in Russia and the activities of President Putin ()

Evgeny Maksimovich Primakov, second Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation (photo from here).

“I grew up in Tbilisi, I love this city, this country very much. It’s very hard for me that I can’t afford to get on a plane, fly there for a day and return. And, alas, I won’t be able to while I’m a minister. When I leave this post, I will definitely make such forays." E. M. Primakov ()

“There is a romantic story connected with my maternal grandmother, a Jewish woman. Having a wayward character, she, against the will of my great-grandfather, the owner of a mill, married ordinary worker, also Russian, hence the surname Primakov." Primakov E. M., Meetings at crossroads, ISBN: 978-5-227-05787-7 ()

Now to my father. Primakov writes that his last name was Nemchenko and that “he and his mother diverged.” However, the site compromat.ru gives a different version.

Zhenya Primakov was brought to the city of Tbilisi in November 1929. That is, a few days after birth. At that time Tbilisi was still called Tiflis.

What made the mother of the newborn, Anna Yakovlevna, hastily leave Kyiv and move with the baby from Tiflis? Who was Zhenya's father and why was he not with his son? Whose surname did the boy receive - his mother's or his father's?

Primakov's pedigree is a sealed secret. From the published autobiography of Yevgeny Maksimovich, one can only learn that his father died when he was three months old, and that he was raised by a single mother who worked as a doctor in the clinic of a spinning and knitting mill.
...
The real father of Zhenya Primakov was not the man who died in 1929, but the literary critic Irakli Andronikov, who lived until the eighties. He did not recognize his son, but did not abandon him to the mercy of fate; he helped Zhenya’s mother settle in Tiflis, where, immediately after moving from Kyiv, she was given two rooms in former house tsarist general. Irakli Luarsabovich’s participation in the fate of his son did not end there. ()

The biography of the real (according to compromat.ru) pope, Irakli Luarsabovich Andronnikov, is easy to follow.

[Irakli Luarsabovich Andronikov] was born on September 28, 1908 in St. Petersburg, where at that time he was studying at the university at the Faculty of Law, his father was the future successful metropolitan lawyer Luarsab Nikolaevich Andronikashvili, who came from a famous noble family in Georgia. In 1917, the Provisional Government even appointed the father of young Irakli as secretary of the criminal department of the Senate. [...] Irakli Andronikov’s mother, Ekaterina Yakovlevna Gurevich, came from a famous Jewish family ()

In general, in determining nationality, searching and analyzing facts is sometimes not necessary - just looking at photographs of the subject is enough. In the photo below we see a typical non-Russian family.

Family of non-Russians. (left) Evgeny Maksimovich Primakov with his wife Laura Vasilievna Kharadze and children. (right) E. M. Primakov with his son Sasha. (photo from here).

Judging by the photographs of young Yevgeny Maksimovich, you begin to doubt that there was even one Russian in this man’s ancestry. It was not for nothing that at the Institute of Oriental Studies, where he studied, he had the nickname “Chinese”.

On September 11, 1998, Primakov was replaced as Russian Foreign Minister by Igor Sergeevich Ivanov.

Igor Sergeevich Ivanov, third Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation (photo from here).
He received his Russian surname from his father, information about whom could not be found on the Internet (and as we already know, surnames can be deceiving). But the origin of the mother is well known.

Mother - Elena (Eliko) Sagirashvili - a traffic police officer, a native of the Georgian village of Akhmeta, located in the Pankisi Gorge. ()

Igor Ivanov’s mother is Elena Davydovna Sagirashvili, originally from the city of Tianeti, north of Tbilisi. ()

We wrote above that Ivanov replaced Primakov. In fact, all the years while Primakov was minister, Ivanov was his first deputy. Having become prime minister, Primakov recommended Ivanov for the post of head of the Foreign Ministry. For those who do not understand, one non-Russian with Georgian roots gave the position to another non-Russian with Georgian roots.

Sergei Viktorovich Lavrov, fourth Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation (photo from here).
Here you go Russian name, and Russian patronymic and “Russian” surname with “ov”. When I look at this face, it is obvious to me without any evidence that in front of me is at least a semi-khach. But for those who want facts...

At a meeting with students at the Russian-Armenian Slavic University, one of the students asked Sergei Lavrov if his Armenian roots help him in his work. To which Mr. Lavrov, whose father is an Armenian from Tbilisi, replied: “My roots are actually Georgian - my father is from Tbilisi, but my blood is really Armenian” ()

I have not yet found information on Mother Lavrova. Apparently we have to wait until he, like Primakov, starts writing memoirs.

I will not bore the reader with a discussion of how it happened that in the Russian state the post of Minister of Foreign Affairs has been occupied by various Jews, Armenians and Georgians for at least 15 years (we will talk about the ministers of the Soviet period separately). Just remember that if you are Russian, then you and your children will have a very difficult time fighting for their place in the sun. Non-Russian people who occupied places in prestigious universities and high official positions, he won’t just give them up, which means any Russian will have to be several times better in order to win the competition.

8/20 September 1802 The Manifesto of Emperor Alexander I established Ministry of Foreign Affairs. With its creation, the KID did not cease to exist, but gradually all the most important political issues were transferred to the jurisdiction of various departments of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The College was finally abolished in 1832.

First Minister of Foreign Affairs A.R.Vorontsov formed a temporary office, which was initially divided into 4 expeditions engaged in political correspondence. Later, in 1806, a new structure of the Minister's Office was established. A number of new departments appeared within the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, including the Expedition of Consular Affairs, the Educational Department of Oriental Languages, the Internal Economic Unit, the Department of Internal Relations, the Department of Foreign Relations, etc.

By 1816, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs had acquired a clear structure, which remained stable until the 40s of the 19th century. The head of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was the second person after the emperor in public administration- Minister of Foreign Affairs with the rank of Chancellor. Two state secretaries of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs were appointed as deputies or assistant ministers. Officials were assigned ranks in accordance with international classification established by the Congress of Vienna (1815). The diplomatic ranks adopted in 1815 existed in Russia until October 1917.

The central apparatus of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs included: the Chancellery, the Department of Internal Relations (which was responsible for all political and consular affairs, as well as issues relating to Russian subjects); Asian Department and Department of Personnel and Economic Affairs. The central apparatus of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, along with three departments, also included the Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Commission for the publication of state charters and agreements, and the editorial offices of official publications of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Russian and French.

Foreign divisions included: Russian embassies in the great powers, missions, residencies in small and dependent eastern countries, consulates general, consulates, vice-consulates and consular agencies.

In 1846, at the suggestion of the Chancellor K.V.Nesselrode The “Establishment of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs” (Regulations on the Ministry of Foreign Affairs) was adopted, which determined the new structure and functions of the Ministry. According to Article 1 of the “Institutions” - “The Ministry of Foreign Affairs has the following subjects: political relations with foreign states, petition for the legal protection of Russian citizens in foreign lands and assistance in satisfying the just demands of foreigners regarding their affairs in Russia.” Article 4 established the structure of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

As a result of the Crimean War (1853-1856), Russia's international position became seriously complicated. During this difficult period for Russia in 1856, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs headed A.M. Gorchakov, whose name is associated with major achievements in the international arena, as well as the reorganization of the department itself. Gorchakov's famous circulars went down in history - in 1856, outlining the foundations of Russia's foreign policy, and in 1870, declaring that Russia no longer considered itself bound by the terms of the Paris Peace Treaty, which limited its sovereign rights in the Black Sea.

In 1868, a new “Establishment of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs” was put into effect, and the staff of the central divisions of the department was also changed in the direction of reduction. If in 1839 there were 535 officials on the staff of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, then under Gorchakov only 134 full-time positions were retained. At the same time, departments were given the right to have officials in addition to their staff “to strengthen their resources.”

By the 90s of the XIX century. In connection with the complication of foreign policy tasks, the need for a structural transformation of the Ministry has again become urgent. In November 1895, a member of the Council of the Ministry, the famous international lawyer F.F. Martens prepared a plan for the reorganization of the Foreign Ministry, taking into account the experience of the diplomatic departments of Western European countries, but this project was not implemented.

Only after his appointment in May 1906 as Minister of Foreign Affairs A.P. Izvolsky In the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, another reform was carried out, stretching over several years, with the aim of modernizing the structure of the department in accordance with the new political conditions created by the revolution of 1905 and the convening of the State Duma.

In particular, the Press Department was created at that time, whose responsibilities included monitoring publications of Russian and foreign press on international topics and "give public opinion explanations regarding the activities of the ministry."

By 1913, Russia had created an extensive network of diplomatic and consular missions abroad. Thus, if in 1758 there were 11 Russian foreign institutions, in 1868 - 102, in 1897 - 147, in 1903 - 173, then by the beginning of the First World War Russia maintained diplomatic relations with 47 countries and had more than 200 representative offices abroad.

In 1914, under Minister S.D. Sazonov, a bill on new staff of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was approved, which was not implemented due to the outbreak of the First World War. Complication and expansion of the tasks and functions of the ministry in war time entailed the need to make changes to the structure of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the work of its foreign missions. A new division appeared - the Legal Advisory Unit, in December 1915 the Special Department of Prisoners of War was created, and in April 1916 the Information Department was created with the aim of obtaining and developing information “on the development of political thought in foreign countries"To maintain constant contact with the Headquarters of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief, the Diplomatic Chancellery was created.

Materials from the website of the Historical and Documentary Department of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs were used

Early years. Studies

Andrei Andreevich Gromyko was born on July 18 (July 5, old style) 1909 in the Belarusian village of Starye Gromyki, Gomel district, Mogilev province. His father, peasant Andrei Matveevich Gromyko, was a participant in the Russo-Japanese and First World Wars. Since childhood, Andrei helped his father with agricultural work and earning money in the city - as a rule, at the logging site in Gomel. Already in early years the future minister read a lot, standing out among his peers with perseverance and determination. After graduating from a seven-year school, he entered a vocational school in Gomel, and then a technical school in Borisov. At the vocational school, Gromyko headed the Komsomol cell, and at the technical school, soon after joining the CPSU(b) in 1931, he became secretary of the party organization.

After graduating from college, Gromyko entered the Minsk Economic Institute. In his second year, he began working as a teacher in a rural school near Minsk, and then took over the post of director of the same school. He continued his studies at the institute as an external student. Shortly before graduating from the institute, Gromyko received an offer from Minsk to continue his education in graduate school, which trained general economists. For some time he studied in Minsk, and at the end of 1934 he was transferred to Moscow. In 1936, Gromyko defended his PhD thesis on US agriculture and was sent to work at the Institute of Economics of the USSR Academy of Sciences as a senior researcher. During his graduate studies and writing his dissertation, Gromyko seriously studied English.

The first years of work at NKID

In parallel with his work at the Institute of Economics of the USSR Academy of Sciences, Gromyko taught political economy at the Moscow Institute of Municipal Construction Engineers. Then the journal “Problems of Economics” published its first science articles. At the end of 1938, Gromyko became acting. O. Scientific Secretary at the Institute of Economics of the USSR Academy of Sciences. The authorities planned to send him as a scientific secretary to the Far Eastern Branch of the Academy of Sciences, but circumstances turned out to be such that Gromyko was invited to work at the People's Commissariat of Foreign Affairs of the USSR. The Foreign Policy Department suffered greatly as a result of the repressions of the late 1930s and experienced a catastrophic shortage of personnel. At the beginning of 1939, the party commission headed by V. M. Molotov selected a group of candidates to work in the People's Commissariat, which included Gromyko. Soon, a young native of the Belarusian outback was offered the post of head of the Department American countries- it was extraordinary career rise. In a responsible position, Gromyko established himself as a good analyst, a competent employee and a convinced communist, which was noted by Molotov and Stalin. A few months after joining the NKID, Stalin personally received Gromyko in the Kremlin and approved his appointment as adviser to the USSR Embassy in Washington. In August 1943, Gromyko became ambassador to the United States and concurrently envoy to Cuba. In this post, he established close relations with US President F. D. Roosevelt and some representatives of the American ruling circles. Gromyko made efforts to strengthen the anti-Hitler coalition and persuade the allies to open a second front in Europe, took part in the preparation and conduct of the Yalta and Potsdam conferences, and was a member of the Soviet delegations at these conferences. At the conferences in Dumbarton Oaks and San Francisco, he headed the USSR delegations. During his years of work in Washington, Gromyko mastered the English language perfectly.

Gromyko personally participated in the development of the Charter of the United Nations. This document bears his signature. In 1946, he was appointed the first permanent representative of the USSR to the UN. At 22 sessions General Assembly Gromyko was part of the Soviet delegation or headed it.

First Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs

In August 1948, after eight years in the United States, he returned to Moscow and was soon appointed to the post of First Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR. Both Stalin and Molotov valued Gromyko as an effective worker. In 1952, at the 19th Congress of the CPSU, he was elected as a candidate member of the Central Committee, but, however, soon, causing Stalin’s displeasure, he was removed from his post and sent as an ambassador to Great Britain as “punishment.” He returned to Moscow after Stalin’s death: Molotov, who again headed the Foreign Ministry, recalled Gromyko from London and reinstated him as first deputy minister. Under Molotov, Gromyko became chairman of the Information Committee at the USSR Ministry of Foreign Affairs, a body created to analyze and develop recommendations on various aspects of the world situation, which included representatives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the KGB and the Ministry of Defense.

With N.S. Khrushchev coming to power, he entered into confrontation with Molotov. He chose Gromyko as his support in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs - he accompanied Khrushchev during an important trip to India and a “conciliatory” visit to Yugoslavia. In 1956, at the 20th Congress of the CPSU, the deputy minister became a member of the Central Committee. In February 1957, D. T. Shepilov, who briefly held the post of head of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, moved to the post of Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee. He suggested Gromyko or V.V. Kuznetsov to Khrushchev as a successor. Giving characteristics to both applicants, Shepilov compared the first to a bulldog: “If you tell him, he will not unclench his jaws until he completes everything on time and accurately.” The Secretary General settled on Gromyko's candidacy, and the 47-year-old diplomat took the post of Foreign Minister.

Minister of Foreign Affairs under Khrushchev

Under Khrushchev, who independently shaped the country's foreign policy, Gromyko, as head of the Foreign Ministry, did not have freedom of action and played the role of a loyal executor. Most of the key steps in foreign policy The USSR of that time - the break with China and reconciliation with Yugoslavia, proposals at the UN on granting independence to colonial countries and peoples and on general and complete disarmament, the disruption of the summit meeting of four states in Paris in 1960 - were the consequences of Khrushchev’s personal intervention. Gromyko did not always share these initiatives. This was the case in October 1962, during the Cuban Missile Crisis - Gromyko was initially skeptical of Khrushchev’s intention to place Soviet missiles in Cuba, predicting a “political explosion” in the United States. The Foreign Minister personally participated in negotiations with American President John Kennedy. He later recalled that these were the most difficult negotiations in his diplomatic career. Then, as during the Berlin crisis of 1961, diplomatic efforts played a key role in resolving the tense situation.

Minister of Foreign Affairs under Brezhnev

In 1964, L. I. Brezhnev became the General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee. Gromyko, who maintained good relations with him before Brezhnev came to power, quickly found mutual language with Khrushchev's successor. Brezhnev, especially in the first years of leading the country, willingly listened to the experienced diplomat. In the first decade of the reign of the new Secretary General of the USSR, it was possible to achieve recognition by the West post-war borders in Europe as the basis of European and world peace. The turning point was the conclusion of the Moscow Treaty with Germany in 1970. Gromyko’s personal contribution in this case was more than significant: in the process of developing the text of the treaty, he had to hold 15 meetings with the adviser to the German Chancellor on foreign policy, E. Bahr, and the same number with the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Federal Republic of Germany, W. Scheel. In 1975, the process of recognition of the territorial status quo in Europe was completed pan-European meeting in Helsinki.

In 1968, the Soviet Union signed another major international treaty - on non-proliferation nuclear weapons. Gromyko also took part in his preparation Active participation. Against this background, there was an improvement in relations between the USSR and the USA. In 1972, Brezhnev and Gromyko held negotiations with R. Nixon and G. Kissinger in Moscow, and in 1973 in Washington. As a result, a number of important documents were signed, including the document “On the fundamentals of relations between the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the United States of America,” a kind of code for the peaceful coexistence of the two superpowers; Treaty on the Limitation of Missile Defense Systems; Interim Agreement on Certain Measures for the Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms (SALT I); Prevention Agreement nuclear war. Most of the signed documents on the Soviet side were prepared by Gromyko and members of the Foreign Ministry staff together with the Ministry of Defense and the KGB of the USSR. In 1974, Gromyko and Brezhnev held two-day negotiations with Kissinger and the new US President D. Ford.

The culmination of the efforts of the USSR and the Warsaw Pact countries to strengthen détente was the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe in Helsinki in 1975. On the USSR side, the process of preparing a charter for peaceful cooperation in Europe, which was adopted in Helsinki, was supervised by Foreign Ministry officials headed by Gromyko. In 1971, Gromyko signed the Treaty of Peace, Friendship and Cooperation between the USSR and India during Brezhnev's visit to that country.

In 1973, together with Yu. V. Andropov and A. A. Grechko, Gromyko became a member of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee.

Late 1970s - early 1980s

In the late 1970s and early 1980s, Brezhnev's health deteriorated sharply, and he began to gradually withdraw from the actual leadership of the country. Under the current conditions, Gromyko began to almost single-handedly determine the vector of the USSR’s foreign policy. The minister’s uncompromising attitude and suspicion towards foreign policy initiatives not coming from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs began to have a negative impact on international situation THE USSR. The activity of the country's foreign policy has noticeably subsided. Against the backdrop of the Soviet troops entering Afghanistan in 1979, Soviet-American relations sharply deteriorated. Many of the achievements of previous years were nullified - the United States refused to ratify the SALT-2 treaty, and an atmosphere of “ cold war" Gromyko's statements about the United States in the early 1980s were harsh.

On the eve of the next presidential elections in the USA, in September 1984, Gromyko communicated with R. Reagan, who took the initiative to resume political contacts with the leadership of the USSR. According to Gromyko, the conversation went correctly, but both participants remained unconvinced. Diplomat A. M. Aleksandrov-Agentov, assessing the American direction of the USSR’s foreign policy in the early 1980s, wrote: “In general, perhaps, we can say that in these years A. A. Gromyko, even calling for the normalization of Soviet- American relations and agreements with the United States, proceeded from the fact that these would be agreements with the enemy rather than cooperation with a partner.”

In relations with the Warsaw Pact countries, as well as with China, Gromyko did not show due flexibility. Since October 1982, the USSR and China have held political consultations on the prospects for the development of bilateral relations. The Soviet side proposed concluding a treaty on non-aggression or non-use of force, signing a document on the principles of relations, but the Chinese were not satisfied with this option. Gromyko was reserved about the development of economic ties with China, fearing the strengthening of this country's military potential.

Last years

Gromyko was one of those who actively contributed to the rise of M. S. Gorbachev to the leadership of the state and party. At the Plenum of the CPSU Central Committee, he supported Gorbachev’s candidacy. In July 1985, he resigned from the post of Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR. According to A. M. Aleksandrov-Agentov, this departure was “logical and, one might say, historically inevitable.” Gromyko's new position was the post of Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR. In 1989, the former head of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs retired and died a few months later. Shortly before his death, he completed work on his memoirs, “Memorable.” Buried former minister foreign affairs at Novodevichy Cemetery in Moscow.

Personal qualities

Colleagues recalled Gromyko as an energetic, very hard-working, organized person. He had a good memory and was knowledgeable in the issues that he dealt with as part of his job. Gromyko was always disciplined and loyal towards leaders - this was seen by his contemporaries as one of the main reasons for his political longevity. Without outwardly giving the impression of an intellectual and not being a good speaker, Gromyko showed great interest in literature and painting, met with famous figures of art and science, which he readily wrote about in his memoirs. He was socially constrained and did not have a good sense of humor.

Gromyko was the author of a number of scientific works. In 1957, under the pseudonym G. Andreev, his book “Export of American Capital” was published. From the history of US capital exports as a tool of economic and political expansion,” which was based on materials collected by Gromyko during his years of diplomatic service abroad. For this essay, the author was awarded the academic degree of Doctor of Economic Sciences. In 1981, Gromyko’s book “The Expansion of the Dollar” was published, in 1983 - the monograph “External Expansion of Capital: History and Modernity”. For your Scientific research Gromyko was twice awarded the USSR State Prize. In 1958-1987, Gromyko was the editor-in-chief of the magazine International Affairs.

He was married to Lydia Dmitrievna Grinevich (1911-2004). Son - Anatoly Andreevich Gromyko (born 1932), diplomat and scientist, corresponding member of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Doctor of Historical Sciences. Daughter - Emilia Andreevna, married to Piradova.

On July 2, 1985, Eduard Shevardnadze took office as Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR. The “dilettante” decided to recall some of the minister’s Soviet colleagues.

Vyacheslav Mikhailovich Molotov (party pseudonym, real name- Scriabin) was born on February 25 (March 9), 1890 in the settlement of Kukarka, Kukarsky district, Vyatka province (now the city of Sovetsk, Kirov region) in the family of Mikhail Prokhorovich Scriabin, clerk of the trading house of the merchant Yakov Nebogatikov.

V. M. Molotov spent his childhood years in Vyatka and Nolinsk. In 1902-1908 he studied at the 1st Kazan Real School. In the wake of the events of 1905, he joined the revolutionary movement, and in 1906 he joined the RSDLP. In April 1909, he was first arrested and exiled to the Vologda province.

After serving his exile, in 1911 V. M. Molotov came to St. Petersburg, passed the exams for a real school as an external student and entered the economics department of the Polytechnic Institute. From 1912, he collaborated with the Bolshevik newspaper Zvezda, then became secretary of the editorial board of the newspaper Pravda, and a member of the St. Petersburg Committee of the RSDLP. During the preparation of the publication of Pravda, I met I.V. Stalin.

After the arrest of the RSDLP faction in IV State Duma in 1914 he hid under the name Molotov. Since the autumn of 1914, he worked in Moscow to recreate the party organization destroyed by the secret police. In 1915, V. M. Molotov was arrested and exiled to the Irkutsk province for three years. In 1916 he escaped from exile and lived illegally.

V. M. Molotov met the February Revolution of 1917 in Petrograd. He was a delegate to the VII (April) All-Russian Conference of the RSDLP (b) (April 24-29, 1917), a delegate to the VI Congress of the RSDLP (b) from the Petrograd organization. He was a member of the Russian Bureau of the Central Committee of the RSDLP (b), the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Council and the Military Revolutionary Committee, which led the overthrow of the Provisional Government in October 1917.

After the establishment of Soviet power, V. M. Molotov was in leading party work. In 1919, he was chairman of the Nizhny Novgorod provincial executive committee, and later became secretary of the Donetsk provincial committee of the RCP (b). In 1920 he was elected secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party (Bolsheviks) of Ukraine.

In 1921-1930, V. M. Molotov served as Secretary of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks. Since 1921, he was a candidate member of the Politburo of the Party Central Committee, and in 1926 he became a member of the Politburo. He actively participated in the fight against the internal party opposition and became one of the close associates of I.V. Stalin.

In 1930-1941, V. M. Molotov headed the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR, and at the same time, since May 1939, he was the People's Commissar of Foreign Affairs of the USSR. An entire era in Soviet foreign policy is associated with his name. V. M. Molotov’s signature is on the non-aggression treaty with Nazi Germany of August 23, 1939 (the so-called “Ribbentrop-Molotov Pact”), assessments of which were and remain ambiguous.

It fell to V. M. Molotov to inform the Soviet people about the attack of Nazi Germany on the USSR on June 22, 1941. The words he said then: “Our cause is just. The enemy will be defeated. Victory will be ours,” went down in the history of the Great Patriotic War 1941−1945.

It was Molotov who informed the Soviet people about the attack of Nazi Germany

During the war years, V. M. Molotov held the posts of First Deputy Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR, Deputy Chairman of the State Defense Committee of the USSR. In 1943 he was awarded the title of Hero of Socialist Labor. V. M. Molotov took an active part in organizing and holding the Tehran (1943), Crimean (1945) and Potsdam (1945) conferences of the heads of government of the three allied powers - the USSR, the USA and Great Britain, at which the main parameters were determined post-war structure Europe.

V. M. Molotov remained as head of the NKID (from 1946 - the USSR Ministry of Foreign Affairs) until 1949, again heading the ministry in 1953-1957. From 1941 to 1957, he simultaneously held the position of First Deputy Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars (since 1946, the Council of Ministers) of the USSR.

At the June plenum of the CPSU Central Committee in 1957, V. M. Molotov spoke out against N. S. Khrushchev, joining his opponents, who were condemned as an “anti-party group.” Together with its other members, he was removed from the leadership of the party and removed from all government posts.

In 1957-1960, V. M. Molotov was the USSR Ambassador to the Mongolian People's Republic, in 1960-1962 he headed the Soviet representative office in International agency By atomic energy in Vienna. In 1962 he was recalled from Vienna and expelled from the CPSU. By order of the USSR Ministry of Foreign Affairs of September 12, 1963, V. M. Molotov was released from work in the ministry due to his retirement.

In 1984, with the sanction of K.U. Chernenko, V.M. Molotov was reinstated in the CPSU while maintaining his party experience.

V. M. Molotov died in Moscow on November 8, 1986 and was buried at the Novodevichy cemetery.

Andrei Yanuaryevich Vyshinsky, a descendant of an old Polish noble family, a former Menshevik, who signed the order for the arrest of Lenin, it would seem, was doomed to fall into the millstones of the system. Surprisingly, instead, he himself came to power, holding the positions of: Prosecutor of the USSR, Prosecutor of the RSFSR, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Rector of Moscow State University.

He owed this largely to his personal qualities, because even his opponents often note his deep education and outstanding oratorical abilities. It is for this reason that Vyshinsky’s lectures and court speeches have always attracted the attention of not only the professional legal community, but also the entire population. His performance was also noted. Already as Minister of Foreign Affairs, he worked from 11 a.m. until 4-5 a.m. the next day.

This is what contributed to his contribution to legal science. At one time, his works on criminology, criminal procedure, theory of state and law, and international law were considered classics. Even now, the concept of sectoral division of the legal system developed by A. Ya. Vyshinsky lies at the foundation of modern Russian jurisprudence.

As Minister, Vyshinsky worked from 11 a.m. until 4-5 a.m. the next day

But nevertheless, A. Ya. Vyshinsky went down in history as the “chief Soviet prosecutor” at the trials of the 1930s. For this reason, his name is almost always associated with the period of the Great Terror. The “Moscow trials” undoubtedly did not comply with the principles of a fair trial. Based on circumstantial evidence, the innocent were sentenced to death or long prison terms.

He was also characterized as an “inquisitor” by the extrajudicial form of sentencing in which he participated—the so-called “two,” officially the Commission of the NKVD of the USSR and the Prosecutor of the USSR. The defendants in this case were deprived of even a formal trial.

However, let me quote Vyshinsky himself: “It would be a big mistake to see the prosecutor’s office’s accusatory work as its main content. the main task the prosecutor's office - to be a guide and guardian of the rule of law."

As Prosecutor of the USSR, his main task was the reform of the prosecutorial and investigative apparatus. The following problems had to be overcome: low education of prosecutors and investigators, staff shortages, bureaucracy, and negligence. As a result, a unique system of supervision over compliance with the law was formed, which the prosecutor's office remains at the present time.

The direction of Vyshinsky’s actions was even of a human rights nature, as far as this was possible in the conditions of totalitarian reality. For example, in January 1936, he initiated a review of cases against collective farmers and representatives of rural authorities convicted of theft in the early 30s. Tens of thousands of them were released.

Less well known are activities aimed at supporting Soviet defense. In numerous speeches and writings, he defended the independence and procedural powers of lawyers, often criticizing his colleagues for neglecting the defense. However, the declared ideals were not realized in practice, if we recall, for example, the “troikas”, which were the opposite of the adversarial process.

The diplomatic career of A. Ya. Vyshinsky is no less interesting. IN last years During his life, he served as the permanent representative of the USSR to the UN. In his speeches he expressed authoritative opinions on many issues international politics And international law. His speech on the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights is well known - Vyshinsky foresaw problems with the implementation of the proclaimed rights, which are only now being noticed in the scientific and professional community.

The personality of Andrei Yanuaryevich Vyshinsky is ambiguous. On the one hand, participation in retributive justice. On the other hand, scientific and professional achievements, strong personal qualities, and the desire to achieve the ideal of “socialist legality.” It is they who force even Vyshinsky’s most fierce opponent to recognize in him that bearer of the highest values ​​- “a man of his craft.”

We can conclude that it is possible to be one under totalitarianism. This was confirmed by A. Ya. Vyshinsky.

Born into a family of railway workshop workers. After the family moved to Tashkent, he studied first at the gymnasium and then at the secondary school.

In 1926 he graduated from the Faculty of Law of Moscow state university named after M.V. Lomonosov and the Agrarian Faculty of the Institute of Red Professors.

Since 1926 - in the justice authorities, in 1926-1928 he worked as a prosecutor in Yakutia. Since 1929 - on scientific work. In 1933-1935 he worked in the political department of one of the Siberian state farms. After the publication of a number of notable articles, he was invited to the Institute of Economics of the USSR Academy of Sciences. Since 1935 - in the apparatus of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks (Department of Science). As Leonid Mlechin reports, at one of the meetings on scientific issues, Shepilov “allowed himself to object to Stalin.” Stalin suggested that he back down, but Shepilov stood his ground, as a result of which he was expelled from the Central Committee and spent seven months without work.

Since 1938 - Scientific Secretary of the Institute of Economics of the USSR Academy of Sciences.

In the first days of the war, he volunteered to go to the front as part of the Moscow militia, although he had a “reservation” as a professor and the opportunity to go to Kazakhstan as director of the Institute of Economics. From 1941 to 1946 - in Soviet army. He worked his way up from a private to major general, head of the Political Department of the 4th Guards Army.

In 1956, Khrushchev achieved the removal of Molotov from the post of Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR, installing his comrade-in-arms Shepilov in his place. On June 2, 1956, by decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, Shepilov was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR, replacing Vyacheslav Mikhailovich Molotov in this post.

In June 1956, the Soviet Foreign Minister toured the Middle East for the first time in history, visiting Egypt, Syria, Lebanon, and Greece. During negotiations in Egypt with President Nasser in June 1956, he gave secret consent to the USSR to sponsor the construction of the Aswan Dam. At the same time, Shepilov, due to the nature of his previous activities, not being a professional international affairs specialist, was impressed by the truly “pharaonic” reception that the then President of Egypt Nasser gave him, and upon returning to Moscow he managed to convince Khrushchev to speed up the establishment of relations with Arab countries the Middle East as opposed to normalizing relations with Israel. It should be taken into account that during the Second World War almost all political elite countries of the Middle East, one way or another, collaborated with Nazi Germany, and Nasser himself and his brothers then studied at German higher military educational institutions.

Represented the USSR's position on the Suez crisis and the uprising in Hungary in 1956. He headed the Soviet delegation at the London Suez Canal Conference.

Contributed to the normalization of Soviet-Japanese relations: in October 1956, a joint declaration was signed with Japan, ending the state of war. The USSR and Japan exchanged ambassadors.

In its speech at the 20th Congress, the CPSU called for the forcible export of socialism outside the USSR. At the same time, he participated in the preparation of Khrushchev’s report “On the Cult of Personality and Its Consequences,” but the prepared version of the report was significantly changed.

Shepilov called for the forced export of socialism outside the USSR

When Malenkov, Molotov and Kaganovich tried to remove Khrushchev at a meeting of the Presidium of the CPSU Central Committee in June 1957, presenting him with a whole list of accusations, Shepilov suddenly also began to criticize Khrushchev for establishing his own “cult of personality,” although he was never a member of this group. As a result of the defeat of the group of Molotov, Malenkov, Kaganovich at the Plenum of the CPSU Central Committee that followed on June 22, 1957, the formulation “anti-party group of Molotov, Malenkov, Kaganovich and Shepilov who joined them” was born.

There is another, less literary-spectacular explanation for the origins of the formulation using the word “aligned”: a group that would consist of eight members would be awkward to call a “breakaway anti-party group”, since it turned out to be a clear majority, and this would be obvious even to readers of Pravda. To be called "factional schismatics", there had to be no more than seven members of the group; Shepilov was eighth.

It sounds more reasonable to assume that, unlike the seven members of the “anti-party group” - members of the Presidium of the CPSU Central Committee, Shepilov was defined as a “joiner”, since, as a candidate member of the Presidium, he did not have the right to a decisive vote in the voting.

Shepilov was relieved of all party and government posts. Since 1957 - director, since 1959 - deputy director of the Institute of Economics of the Academy of Sciences of the Kyrgyz SSR, in 1960-1982 - archaeographer, then senior archaeographer at the Main Archival Directorate under the USSR Council of Ministers.

Since the cliché “and Shepilov, who joined them,” was actively discussed in the press, a joke appeared: “The longest surname is And Shepilov, who joined them”; when a half-liter bottle of vodka was divided “for three,” the fourth drinking companion was nicknamed “Shepilov,” etc. Thanks to this phrase, the name of the party functionary was recognized by millions of Soviet citizens. Shepilov’s own memoirs are polemically entitled “Non-Aligned”; they are sharply critical of Khrushchev.

Shepilov himself, according to his memoirs, considered the case fabricated. He was expelled from the party in 1962, reinstated in 1976, and in 1991 reinstated in the USSR Academy of Sciences. Retired since 1982.

Of all the Russian and Soviet foreign ministers, only one, Andrei Andreevich Gromyko, served in this post for a legendary length of time - twenty-eight years. His name was well known not only in the Soviet Union, but also far beyond its borders. His position as Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR made him famous throughout the world.

The diplomatic fate of A. A. Gromyko was such that for almost half a century he was at the center of world politics and earned the respect of even his political opponents. In diplomatic circles he was called the “patriarch of diplomacy”, “the most informed foreign minister in the world.” His legacy, despite the fact that the Soviet era is far behind, is still relevant today.

A. A. Gromyko was born on July 5, 1909 in the village of Starye Gromyki, Vetkovsky district, Gomel region. In 1932 he graduated from the Economic Institute, in 1936 - graduate school at the All-Russian Research Institute of Economics Agriculture, Doctor of Economic Sciences (since 1956). In 1939 he was transferred to the People's Commissariat of Foreign Affairs (NKID) of the USSR. By this time, as a result of repressions, almost all the leading cadres of Soviet diplomacy had been destroyed, and Gromyko began to quickly make his career. At just under 30 years old, a native of the Belarusian hinterland with a PhD in Economics, almost immediately after joining the NKID, received the responsible post of head of the Department of American Countries. It was an unusually steep rise, even for those times when careers were created and destroyed overnight. No sooner had the young diplomat settled into his new apartments on Smolenskaya Square than he was summoned to the Kremlin. Stalin, in the presence of Molotov, said: “Comrade Gromyko, we intend to send you to work at the USSR Embassy in the USA as an adviser.” Thus, A. Gromyko became an adviser to the embassy in the United States for four years and at the same time an envoy to Cuba.

In 1946-1949 deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR and at the same time in 1946-1948. fast. Representative of the USSR to the UN, 1949-1952. and 1953-1957 first deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR, in 1952-1953. USSR Ambassador to Great Britain, in April 1957 Gromyko was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR and served in this post until July 1985. Since 1983, First Deputy Chairman of the USSR Council of Ministers. In 1985-1988 Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR.

The diplomatic talent of Andrei Andreevich Gromyko was quickly noticed abroad. The authority of Andrei Gromyko, recognized by the West, was of the highest standard. In August 1947, Times magazine wrote: “As permanent representative Soviet Union In the Security Council, Gromyko does his job at a level of mind-blowing competence.”

At the same time, thanks to the light hand of Western journalists, Andrei Gromyko, as an active participant in the Cold War, became the owner of a whole series of unflattering nicknames like “Andrei the Wolf”, “robot misanthrope”, “man without a face”, “modern Neanderthal” etc. Gromyko became well known in international circles for his always dissatisfied and gloomy expression, as well as extremely unyielding actions, for which he received the nickname “Mr. No”. Regarding this nickname, A. A. Gromyko noted: “They heard my “no” much less often than I heard their “know,” because we put forward much more proposals. In their newspapers they called me “Mr. No” because I did not allow myself to be manipulated. Whoever sought this wanted to manipulate the Soviet Union. We are a great power and we won’t allow anyone to do this!”

Thanks to his intransigence, Gromyko received the nickname "Mr. No"

However, Willy Brandt, Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany, noted in his memoirs: “I found Gromyko a more pleasant interlocutor than I imagined him from the stories about this sarcastic “Mr. No.” He gave the impression of a correct and imperturbable person, reserved in a pleasant Anglo-Saxon manner. He knew how to make it clear in an unobtrusive manner how much experience he had.”

A. A. Gromyko adhered extremely firmly to the approved position. “The Soviet Union on the international stage is me,” thought Andrei Gromyko. — All our successes in the negotiations that led to the conclusion of important international treaties and agreements, are explained by the fact that I was firmly convinced and even adamant, especially when I saw that they were talking to me, and therefore to the Soviet Union, from a position of strength or playing cat and mouse. I never fawned over Westerners and after being hit on one cheek, I did not turn the other. Moreover, I acted in such a way that my overly obstinate opponent would have a hard time.”

Many did not know that A. A. Gromyko had a delightful sense of humor. His remarks could include pointed comments that came as a surprise during tense moments when receiving delegations. Henry Kissinger, coming to Moscow, was constantly afraid of eavesdropping by the KGB. Once, during a meeting, he pointed to a chandelier hanging in the room and asked the KGB to make him a copy of American documents, since the Americans’ copying equipment was “out of order.” Gromyko answered him in the same tone that chandeliers were made during the reign of the tsars and they could only contain microphones.

Among most important achievements Andrei Gromyko highlighted four points: the creation of the UN, the development of agreements to limit nuclear weapons, the legalization of borders in Europe and, finally, the recognition of the USSR as a great power.

Few people today remember that the UN was conceived in Moscow. It was here in October 1943 that the Soviet Union, the USA and Great Britain declared that the world needed an organization international security. It was easy to declare, but difficult to do. Gromyko stood at the origins of the UN; the Charter of this organization bears his signature. In 1946, he became the first Soviet representative to the UN and at the same time deputy and then first deputy minister of foreign affairs. Gromyko was a participant and subsequently the head of our country’s delegation at 22 sessions of the UN General Assembly.

“The question of questions,” the “super task,” as A. A. Gromyko himself put it, was for him the process of negotiations to control the arms race, both conventional and nuclear. He went through all the stages of the post-war disarmament epic. Already in 1946, on behalf of the USSR, A. A. Gromyko made a proposal for a general reduction and regulation of weapons and a ban on the military use of atomic energy. Gromyko considered the Treaty Banning Atmospheric Tests of Nuclear Weapons, signed on August 5, 1963, to be a source of special pride. outer space and under water, negotiations on which have dragged on since 1958.

A. A. Gromyko considered consolidating the results of World War II to be another priority of foreign policy. This is, first of all, a settlement around West Berlin, the formalization of the status quo with the two German states, Germany and the GDR, and then pan-European affairs.

The historical agreements of the USSR (and then Poland and Czechoslovakia) with Germany in 1970-1971, as well as the 1971 quadripartite agreement on West Berlin, required enormous strength, persistence and flexibility from Moscow. How great the personal role of A. A. Gromyko in the preparation of these fundamental documents for peace in Europe is evident from the fact that to develop the text of the Moscow Treaty of 1970, he held 15 meetings with Chancellor W. Brandt’s adviser E. Bar and the same number with the minister Foreign Affairs V. Sheel.

It was they and the previous efforts that cleared the way for détente and the convening of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe. The significance of the Final Act signed in August 1975 in Helsinki had a global scale. It was, in essence, a code of conduct for states in key areas of relations, including military-political. The inviolability of post-war borders in Europe was secured, to which A. A. Gromyko attached special importance, and the preconditions were created for strengthening European stability and security.

It was thanks to the efforts of A. A. Gromyko that all the i’s were dotted between the USSR and the USA during the Cold War. In September 1984, at the initiative of the Americans, a meeting between Andrei Gromyko and Ronald Reagan took place in Washington. These were Reagan's first negotiations with a representative Soviet leadership. Reagan recognized the Soviet Union as a superpower. But another statement became even more significant. Let me remind you of the words spoken by the herald of the myth of the “evil empire” after the end of the meeting in the White House: “The United States respects the status of the Soviet Union as a superpower ... and we have no desire to change its social system.” Thus, Gromyko's diplomacy obtained from the United States official recognition of the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of the Soviet Union.

Thanks to Gromyko, relations between the USSR and the USA were stabilized

Andrei Gromyko carried in his memory many facts that had been forgotten by wide circles of the international community. “Can you imagine,” Andrei Gromyko told his son, “it’s none other than the polished Macmillan, the Prime Minister of Great Britain. Since this was at the height of the Cold War, he makes attacks on us. Well, I would say that the usual UN cuisine is working, with all its political, diplomatic and propaganda techniques. I sit and think about how to respond to these attacks on occasion, during debates. Suddenly, Nikita Sergeevich, who was sitting next to me, bends down and, as I first thought, was looking for something under the table. I even moved away a little so as not to disturb him. And suddenly I see him pull out his shoe and start pounding it on the surface of the table. Frankly speaking, my first thought was that Khrushchev felt ill. But after a moment I realized that our leader was protesting in this way, seeking to embarrass MacMillan. I became all tense and, against my will, began to bang on the table with my fists - after all, I had to somehow support the head of the Soviet delegation. I didn’t look in Khrushchev’s direction, I was embarrassed. The situation was truly comical. And what’s surprising is that you can make dozens of smart and even brilliant speeches, but in decades no one will remember the speaker, Khrushchev’s shoe will not be forgotten.

As a result of almost half a century of practice, A. A. Gromyko developed for himself the “golden rules” of diplomatic work, which, however, are relevant not only for diplomats:

- it is absolutely unacceptable to immediately reveal all your cards to the other side, to want to solve the problem in one fell swoop;

— careful use of summits; poorly prepared, they do more harm than good;

- you cannot allow yourself to be manipulated either by crude or sophisticated means;

— Success in foreign policy requires a realistic assessment of the situation. It is even more important that this reality does not disappear;

— the most difficult thing is to consolidate the real situation through diplomatic agreements and international legal formalization of a compromise;

- constant struggle for initiative. In diplomacy, initiative is the best way to protect state interests.

A. A. Gromyko believed that diplomatic activity is hard work, requiring those who engage in it to mobilize all their knowledge and abilities. The task of a diplomat is “to fight to the end for the interests of his country, without harming others.” "Work across the entire range international relations, to find useful connections between seemingly separate processes,” this thought was a kind of constant in his diplomatic activity. “The main thing in diplomacy is compromise, harmony between states and their leaders.”

In October 1988, Andrei Andreevich retired and worked on his memoirs. He passed away on July 2, 1989. “The State, the Fatherland is us,” he liked to say. “If we don’t do it, no one will.”

Born on January 25, 1928 in the village of Mamati, Lanchkhuti district (Guria).

Graduated from Tbilisi Medical College. In 1959 he graduated from Kutaisi Pedagogical Institute. A. Tsulukidze.

Since 1946, at Komsomol and party work. From 1961 to 1964 he was the first secretary of the district committee of the Communist Party of Georgia in Mtskheta, and then the first secretary of the Pervomaisky district party committee of Tbilisi. In the period from 1964 to 1972 - First Deputy Minister for the Protection of Public Order, then - Minister of Internal Affairs of Georgia. From 1972 to 1985 - First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Georgia. In this post, he carried out a highly publicized campaign against the shadow market and corruption, which, however, did not lead to the eradication of these phenomena.

In 1985-1990 - Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR, from 1985 to 1990 - member of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee. Deputy of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR 9–11 convocations. In 1990-1991 - People's Deputy of the USSR.

In December 1990, he resigned “in protest against the impending dictatorship” and in the same year left the ranks of the CPSU. In November 1991, at the invitation of Gorbachev, he again headed the USSR Ministry of Foreign Affairs (called at that time the Ministry of Foreign Relations), but after the collapse of the USSR a month later this position was abolished.

Shevardnadze was one of Gorbachev's associates in pursuing the policy of perestroika

In December 1991, the Minister of Foreign Relations of the USSR E. A. Shevardnadze was one of the first among the leaders of the USSR to recognize the Belovezhskaya Agreements and the upcoming demise of the USSR.

E. A. Shevardnadze was one of M. S. Gorbachev’s associates in pursuing the policy of perestroika, glasnost and détente.

Sources

1. http://firstolymp.ru/2014/05/28/andrej-yanuarevich-vyshinskij/
2. http://krsk.mid.ru/gromyko-andrej-andreevic

Foreign Ministers of the USSR: who are they and what were they like?

Vyacheslav Mikhailovich Molotov(party pseudonym, real name - Scriabin) was born on February 25 (March 9), 1890 in the Kukarka settlement, Kukarsky district, Vyatka province (now the city of Sovetsk, Kirov region) in the family of Mikhail Prokhorovich Scriabin, clerk of the trading house of the merchant Yakov Nebogatikov.
V. M. Molotov spent his childhood years in Vyatka and Nolinsk. In 1902-1908 he studied at the 1st Kazan Real School. In the wake of the events of 1905, he joined the revolutionary movement, and in 1906 he joined the RSDLP. In April 1909, he was first arrested and exiled to the Vologda province.
After serving his exile, in 1911 V. M. Molotov came to St. Petersburg, passed the exams for a real school as an external student and entered the economics department of the Polytechnic Institute. From 1912, he collaborated with the Bolshevik newspaper Zvezda, then became secretary of the editorial board of the newspaper Pravda, and a member of the St. Petersburg Committee of the RSDLP. During the preparation of the publication of Pravda, I met I.V. Stalin.
After the arrest of the RSDLP faction in the IV State Duma in 1914, he hid under the name Molotov. Since the autumn of 1914, he worked in Moscow to recreate the party organization destroyed by the secret police. In 1915, V. M. Molotov was arrested and exiled to the Irkutsk province for three years. In 1916 he escaped from exile and lived illegally.
V. M. Molotov met the February Revolution of 1917 in Petrograd. He was a delegate to the VII (April) All-Russian Conference of the RSDLP (b) (April 24-29, 1917), a delegate to the VI Congress of the RSDLP (b) from the Petrograd organization. He was a member of the Russian Bureau of the Central Committee of the RSDLP (b), the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Council and the Military Revolutionary Committee, which led the overthrow of the Provisional Government in October 1917.
After the establishment of Soviet power, V. M. Molotov was in leading party work. In 1919, he was chairman of the Nizhny Novgorod provincial executive committee, and later became secretary of the Donetsk provincial committee of the RCP (b). In 1920 he was elected secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party (Bolsheviks) of Ukraine.
In 1921-1930, V. M. Molotov served as Secretary of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks. Since 1921, he was a candidate member of the Politburo of the Party Central Committee, and in 1926 he became a member of the Politburo. He actively participated in the fight against the internal party opposition and became one of the close associates of I.V. Stalin.
In 1930-1941, V. M. Molotov headed the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR, and at the same time, since May 1939, he was the People's Commissar of Foreign Affairs of the USSR. An entire era in Soviet foreign policy is associated with his name. V. M. Molotov’s signature is on the non-aggression treaty with Nazi Germany of August 23, 1939 (the so-called “Ribbentrop-Molotov Pact”), assessments of which were and remain ambiguous.
It fell to V. M. Molotov to inform the Soviet people about the attack of Nazi Germany on the USSR on June 22, 1941. The words he said then: “Our cause is just. The enemy will be defeated. Victory will be ours,” entered the history of the Great Patriotic War of 1941–1945.
It was Molotov who informed the Soviet people about the attack of Nazi Germany
During the war years, V. M. Molotov held the posts of First Deputy Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR, Deputy Chairman of the State Defense Committee of the USSR. In 1943 he was awarded the title of Hero of Socialist Labor. V. M. Molotov took an active part in organizing and holding the Tehran (1943), Crimean (1945) and Potsdam (1945) conferences of the heads of government of the three allied powers - the USSR, the USA and Great Britain, at which the main parameters of the post-war structure of Europe were determined.
V. M. Molotov remained as head of the NKID (from 1946 - the USSR Ministry of Foreign Affairs) until 1949, and again headed the ministry in 1953-1957. From 1941 to 1957, he simultaneously held the position of First Deputy Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars (since 1946 - the Council of Ministers) of the USSR.

At the June plenum of the CPSU Central Committee in 1957, V. M. Molotov spoke out against N. S. Khrushchev, joining his opponents, who were condemned as an “anti-party group.” Together with its other members, he was removed from the leadership of the party and removed from all government posts.
In 1957-1960, V. M. Molotov was the USSR Ambassador to the Mongolian People's Republic, and in 1960-1962 he headed the Soviet representative office at the International Atomic Energy Agency in Vienna. In 1962 he was recalled from Vienna and expelled from the CPSU. By order of the USSR Ministry of Foreign Affairs of September 12, 1963, V. M. Molotov was released from work in the ministry due to his retirement.
In 1984, with the sanction of K.U. Chernenko, V.M. Molotov was reinstated in the CPSU while maintaining his party experience.
V. M. Molotov died in Moscow on November 8, 1986 and was buried at the Novodevichy cemetery.
Andrey Yanuaryevich Vyshinsky(4 March 1949 − 5 March 1953)
Andrei Yanuaryevich Vyshinsky, a descendant of an old Polish noble family, a former Menshevik, who signed the order for the arrest of Lenin, it would seem, was doomed to fall into the millstones of the system. Surprisingly, instead, he himself came to power, holding the positions of: Prosecutor of the USSR, Prosecutor of the RSFSR, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Rector of Moscow State University.
He owed this largely to his personal qualities, because even his opponents often note his deep education and outstanding oratorical abilities. It is for this reason that Vyshinsky’s lectures and court speeches have always attracted the attention of not only the professional legal community, but also the entire population. His performance was also noted. Already as Minister of Foreign Affairs, he worked from 11 a.m. until 4-5 a.m. the next day.
This is what contributed to his contribution to legal science. At one time, his works on criminology, criminal procedure, theory of state and law, and international law were considered classics. Even now, the concept of sectoral division of the legal system developed by A. Ya. Vyshinsky lies at the foundation of modern Russian jurisprudence.
As Minister, Vyshinsky worked from 11 a.m. until 4-5 a.m. the next day
But nevertheless, A. Ya. Vyshinsky went down in history as the “chief Soviet prosecutor” at the trials of the 1930s. For this reason, his name is almost always associated with the period of the Great Terror. The “Moscow trials” undoubtedly did not comply with the principles of a fair trial. Based on circumstantial evidence, the innocent were sentenced to death or long prison terms.
He was also characterized as an “inquisitor” by the extrajudicial form of imposing punishments in which he participated - the so-called “deuce”, officially - the Commission of the NKVD of the USSR and the Prosecutor of the USSR. The defendants in this case were deprived of even a formal trial.
However, let me quote Vyshinsky himself: “It would be a big mistake to see the prosecutor’s office’s accusatory work as its main content. The main task of the prosecutor’s office is to be a guide and guardian of the rule of law.”
As Prosecutor of the USSR, his main task was the reform of the prosecutorial and investigative apparatus. The following problems had to be overcome: low education of prosecutors and investigators, staff shortages, bureaucracy, and negligence. As a result, a unique system of supervision over compliance with the law was formed, which the prosecutor's office remains at the present time.
The direction of Vyshinsky’s actions was even of a human rights nature, as far as this was possible in the conditions of totalitarian reality. For example, in January 1936, he initiated a review of cases against collective farmers and representatives of rural authorities convicted of theft in the early 30s. Tens of thousands of them were released.
Less well known are activities aimed at supporting Soviet defense. In numerous speeches and writings, he defended the independence and procedural powers of lawyers, often criticizing his colleagues for neglecting the defense. However, the declared ideals were not realized in practice, if we recall, for example, the “troikas”, which were the opposite of the adversarial process.
The diplomatic career of A. Ya. Vyshinsky is no less interesting. In the last years of his life, he served as the permanent representative of the USSR to the UN. In his speeches, he expressed authoritative opinions on many areas of international politics and international law. His speech on the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights is well known - Vyshinsky foresaw problems with the implementation of the proclaimed rights, which are only now being noticed in the scientific and professional community.
The personality of Andrei Yanuaryevich Vyshinsky is ambiguous. On the one hand, participation in punitive justice. On the other hand, scientific and professional achievements, strong personal qualities, and the desire to achieve the ideal of “socialist legality.” It is they who force even Vyshinsky’s most fierce opponent to recognize in him that bearer of the highest values ​​- “a man of his craft.”
We can conclude that it is possible to be one under totalitarianism. This was confirmed by A. Ya. Vyshinsky.
Dmitry Trofimovich Shepilov(27 February 1956 - 29 June 1957)

Born into a family of railway workshop workers. After the family moved to Tashkent, he studied first at the gymnasium and then at the secondary school.
In 1926 he graduated from the Faculty of Law of Moscow State University named after M.V. Lomonosov and the Faculty of Agriculture of the Institute of Red Professorships.
Since 1926 - in the justice authorities, in 1926-1928 he worked as a prosecutor in Yakutia. Since 1929 - at scientific work. In 1933-1935 he worked in the political department of one of the Siberian state farms. After the publication of a number of notable articles, he was invited to the Institute of Economics of the USSR Academy of Sciences. Since 1935 - in the apparatus of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks (Department of Science). As Leonid Mlechin reports, at one of the meetings on scientific issues, Shepilov “allowed himself to object to Stalin.” Stalin suggested that he back down, but Shepilov stood his ground, as a result of which he was expelled from the Central Committee and spent seven months without work.
Since 1938 - Scientific Secretary of the Institute of Economics of the USSR Academy of Sciences.
In the first days of the war, he volunteered to go to the front as part of the Moscow militia, although he had a “reservation” as a professor and the opportunity to go to Kazakhstan as director of the Institute of Economics. From 1941 to 1946 - in the Soviet Army. He worked his way up from a private to major general, head of the Political Department of the 4th Guards Army.
In 1956, Khrushchev achieved the removal of Molotov from the post of Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR, installing his comrade-in-arms Shepilov in his place. On June 2, 1956, by decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, Shepilov was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR, replacing Vyacheslav Mikhailovich Molotov in this post.
In June 1956, the Soviet Foreign Minister toured the Middle East for the first time in history, visiting Egypt, Syria, Lebanon, and Greece. During negotiations in Egypt with President Nasser in June 1956, he gave secret consent to the USSR to sponsor the construction of the Aswan Dam. At the same time, Shepilov, by the nature of his previous activities, not being a professional international affairs specialist, was impressed by the truly “pharaonic” reception that the then President of Egypt Nasser gave him, and upon returning to Moscow, he managed to convince Khrushchev to speed up the establishment of relations with the Arab countries of the Middle East in counterweight to normalization of relations with Israel. It should be taken into account that during the Second World War, almost the entire political elite of the Middle East countries collaborated with Hitler’s Germany in one way or another, and Nasser himself and his brothers then studied at German higher military educational institutions.
Represented the USSR's position on the Suez crisis and the uprising in Hungary in 1956. He headed the Soviet delegation at the London Suez Canal Conference.
Contributed to the normalization of Soviet-Japanese relations: in October 1956, a joint declaration was signed with Japan, ending the state of war. The USSR and Japan exchanged ambassadors.
In its speech at the 20th Congress, the CPSU called for the forcible export of socialism outside the USSR. At the same time, he participated in the preparation of Khrushchev’s report “On the Cult of Personality and Its Consequences,” but the prepared version of the report was significantly changed.
Shepilov called for the forced export of socialism outside the USSR
When Malenkov, Molotov and Kaganovich tried to remove Khrushchev at a meeting of the Presidium of the CPSU Central Committee in June 1957, presenting him with a whole list of accusations, Shepilov suddenly also began to criticize Khrushchev for establishing his own “cult of personality,” although he was never a member of this group. As a result of the defeat of the group of Molotov, Malenkov, Kaganovich at the Plenum of the CPSU Central Committee that followed on June 22, 1957, the formulation “anti-party group of Molotov, Malenkov, Kaganovich and Shepilov who joined them” was born. There is another, less literary-spectacular explanation for the origins of the formulation using the word “aligned”: a group that would consist of eight members would be awkward to call a “breakaway anti-party group”, since it turned out to be a clear majority, and this would be obvious even to readers of Pravda. To be called "factional schismatics", there had to be no more than seven members of the group; Shepilov was eighth.
It sounds more reasonable to assume that, unlike the seven members of the “anti-party group” - members of the Presidium of the CPSU Central Committee, Shepilov was defined as a “joiner”, since, as a candidate member of the Presidium, he did not have the right to a decisive vote in the voting.
Shepilov was relieved of all party and government posts. Since 1957 - director, since 1959 - deputy director of the Institute of Economics of the Academy of Sciences of the Kyrgyz SSR, in 1960-1982 - archaeographer, then senior archaeographer in the Main Archival Directorate under the USSR Council of Ministers.
Since the cliché “and Shepilov, who joined them,” was actively exaggerated in the press, a joke appeared: “The longest surname is And Shepilov, who joined them”; when a half-liter bottle of vodka was divided “for three,” the fourth drinking companion was nicknamed “Shepilov,” etc. Thanks to this phrase, the name of the party functionary was recognized by millions of Soviet citizens. Shepilov’s own memoirs are polemically entitled “Non-Aligned”; they are sharply critical of Khrushchev.
Shepilov himself, according to his memoirs, considered the case fabricated. He was expelled from the party in 1962, reinstated in 1976, and in 1991 reinstated in the USSR Academy of Sciences. Since 1982 - retired.
Died August 18, 1995. He was buried at the Novodevichy cemetery.

Andrey Andreevich Gromyko(July 2, 1985 - October 1, 1988)

Of all the Russian and Soviet foreign ministers, only one, Andrei Andreevich Gromyko, served in this post for a legendarily long period - twenty-eight years. His name was well known not only in the Soviet Union, but also far beyond its borders. His position as Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR made him famous throughout the world.
The diplomatic fate of A. A. Gromyko was such that for almost half a century he was at the center of world politics and earned the respect of even his political opponents. In diplomatic circles he was called the “patriarch of diplomacy”, “the most informed foreign minister in the world.” His legacy, despite the fact that the Soviet era is far behind, is still relevant today.
A. A. Gromyko was born on July 5, 1909 in the village of Starye Gromyki, Vetkovsky district, Gomel region. In 1932 he graduated from the Economic Institute, in 1936 he completed postgraduate studies at the All-Russian Research Institute of Agricultural Economics, Doctor of Economics (since 1956). In 1939 he was transferred to the People's Commissariat of Foreign Affairs (NKID) of the USSR. By this time, as a result of repressions, almost all the leading cadres of Soviet diplomacy had been destroyed, and Gromyko began to quickly make his career. At just under 30 years old, a native of the Belarusian hinterland with a PhD in Economics, almost immediately after joining the NKID, received the responsible post of head of the Department of American Countries. It was an unusually steep rise, even for those times when careers were created and destroyed overnight. No sooner had the young diplomat settled into his new apartments on Smolenskaya Square than he was summoned to the Kremlin. Stalin, in the presence of Molotov, said: “Comrade Gromyko, we intend to send you to work at the USSR Embassy in the USA as an adviser.” Thus, A. Gromyko became an adviser to the embassy in the United States for four years and at the same time an envoy to Cuba.
In 1946-1949. deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR and at the same time in 1946-1948. fast. Representative of the USSR to the UN, 1949-1952. and 1953-1957 first deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR, in 1952-1953. USSR Ambassador to Great Britain, in April 1957 Gromyko was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR and served in this post until July 1985. Since 1983, First Deputy Chairman of the USSR Council of Ministers. In 1985-1988 Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR.
The diplomatic talent of Andrei Andreevich Gromyko was quickly noticed abroad. The authority of Andrei Gromyko, recognized by the West, was of the highest standard. In August 1947, Times magazine wrote: "As the Soviet Union's permanent representative on the Security Council, Gromyko does his job with breathtaking competence."
At the same time, thanks to the light hand of Western journalists, Andrei Gromyko, as an active participant in the Cold War, became the owner of a whole series of unflattering nicknames like “Andrei the Wolf”, “robot misanthrope”, “man without a face”, “modern Neanderthal” etc. Gromyko became well known in international circles for his always dissatisfied and gloomy expression, as well as extremely unyielding actions, for which he received the nickname “Mr. No”. Regarding this nickname, A. A. Gromyko noted: “They heard my “no” much less often than I heard their “know,” because we put forward much more proposals. In their newspapers they called me “Mr. No” because I did not allow myself to be manipulated. Whoever sought this wanted to manipulate the Soviet Union. We are a great power and we won’t allow anyone to do this!”
Thanks to his intransigence, Gromyko received the nickname "Mr. No"
However, Willy Brandt, Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany, noted in his memoirs: “I found Gromyko a more pleasant interlocutor than I imagined him from the stories about this sarcastic “Mr. No.” He gave the impression of a correct and imperturbable person, reserved in a pleasant Anglo-Saxon manner. He knew how to make it clear in an unobtrusive manner how much experience he had.”
A. A. Gromyko adhered extremely firmly to the approved position. “The Soviet Union in the international arena is me,” thought Andrei Gromyko. - All our successes in the negotiations that led to the conclusion of important international treaties and agreements are explained by the fact that I was confidently firm and even adamant, especially when I saw that they were talking to me, and therefore to the Soviet Union, from a position of strength or playing in "cat and mouse". I never fawned over Westerners and after being hit on one cheek, I did not turn the other. Moreover, I acted in such a way that my overly obstinate opponent would have a hard time.”
Many did not know that A. A. Gromyko had a delightful sense of humor. His remarks could include pointed comments that came as a surprise during tense moments when receiving delegations. Henry Kissinger, coming to Moscow, was constantly afraid of eavesdropping by the KGB. Once, during a meeting, he pointed to a chandelier hanging in the room and asked the KGB to make him a copy of American documents, since the Americans’ copying equipment was “out of order.” Gromyko answered him in the same tone that chandeliers were made during the reign of the tsars and they could only contain microphones.
Among the most important achievements, Andrei Gromyko singled out four points: the creation of the UN, the development of agreements on the limitation of nuclear weapons, the legalization of borders in Europe and, finally, the recognition by the United States of the role of a great power for the USSR.
Few people today remember that the UN was conceived in Moscow. It was here in October 1943 that the Soviet Union, the United States and Great Britain declared that the world needed an international security organization. It was easy to declare, but difficult to do. Gromyko stood at the origins of the UN; the Charter of this organization bears his signature. In 1946, he became the first Soviet representative to the UN and at the same time deputy and then first deputy minister of foreign affairs. Gromyko was a participant and subsequently the head of our country’s delegation at 22 sessions of the UN General Assembly.
“The question of questions,” the “super task,” as A. A. Gromyko himself put it, was for him the process of negotiations to control the arms race, both conventional and nuclear. He went through all the stages of the post-war disarmament epic. Already in 1946, on behalf of the USSR, A. A. Gromyko made a proposal for a general reduction and regulation of weapons and a ban on the military use of atomic energy. Gromyko considered the Treaty Banning Tests of Nuclear Weapons in the Atmosphere, in Outer Space and Under Water, signed on August 5, 1963, the negotiations on which had dragged on since 1958, to be a source of special pride.
A. A. Gromyko considered consolidating the results of World War II to be another priority of foreign policy. This is, first of all, a settlement around West Berlin, the formalization of the status quo with the two German states, Germany and the GDR, and then pan-European affairs.
The historical agreements of the USSR (and then Poland and Czechoslovakia) with Germany in 1970-1971, as well as the 1971 quadripartite agreement on West Berlin, required enormous strength, persistence and flexibility from Moscow. How great the personal role of A. A. Gromyko in the preparation of these fundamental documents for peace in Europe is evident from the fact that to develop the text of the Moscow Treaty of 1970, he held 15 meetings with Chancellor W. Brandt’s adviser E. Bar and the same number with the minister Foreign Affairs V. Sheel.
It was they and the previous efforts that cleared the way for détente and the convening of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe. The significance of the Final Act signed in August 1975 in Helsinki had a global scale. It was, in essence, a code of conduct for states in key areas of relations, including military-political. The inviolability of post-war borders in Europe was secured, to which A. A. Gromyko attached special importance, and the preconditions were created for strengthening European stability and security.
It was thanks to the efforts of A. A. Gromyko that all the i’s were dotted between the USSR and the USA during the Cold War. In September 1984, at the initiative of the Americans, a meeting between Andrei Gromyko and Ronald Reagan took place in Washington. These were Reagan's first negotiations with a representative of the Soviet leadership. Reagan recognized the Soviet Union as a superpower. But another statement became even more significant. Let me remind you of the words spoken by the herald of the myth of the “evil empire” after the end of the meeting in the White House: “The United States respects the status of the Soviet Union as a superpower ... and we have no desire to change its social system.” Thus, Gromyko's diplomacy obtained from the United States official recognition of the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of the Soviet Union.
Thanks to Gromyko, relations between the USSR and the USA were stabilized
Andrei Gromyko carried in his memory many facts that had been forgotten by wide circles of the international community. “Can you imagine,” Andrei Gromyko told his son, “it’s none other than the polished Macmillan, the Prime Minister of Great Britain. Since this was at the height of the Cold War, he makes attacks on us. Well, I would say that the usual UN cuisine is working, with all its political, diplomatic and propaganda techniques. I sit and think about how to respond to these attacks on occasion, during debates. Suddenly, Nikita Sergeevich, who was sitting next to me, bends down and, as I first thought, was looking for something under the table. I even moved away a little so as not to disturb him. And suddenly I see him pull out his shoe and start pounding it on the surface of the table. Frankly speaking, my first thought was that Khrushchev felt ill. But after a moment I realized that our leader was protesting in this way, seeking to embarrass MacMillan. I became all tense and, against my will, began to bang on the table with my fists - after all, I had to somehow support the head of the Soviet delegation. I didn’t look in Khrushchev’s direction, I was embarrassed. The situation was truly comical. And what’s surprising is that you can make dozens of smart and even brilliant speeches, but in decades no one will remember the speaker, Khrushchev’s shoe will not be forgotten.
As a result of almost half a century of practice, A. A. Gromyko developed for himself the “golden rules” of diplomatic work, which, however, are relevant not only for diplomats:
- it is absolutely unacceptable to immediately reveal all your cards to the other side, to want to solve the problem in one fell swoop;
- careful use of summits; poorly prepared, they do more harm than good;
- you cannot allow yourself to be manipulated either by crude or sophisticated means;
- Success in foreign policy requires a realistic assessment of the situation. It is even more important that this reality does not disappear;
- the most difficult thing is to consolidate the real situation through diplomatic agreements and international legal formalization of a compromise;
- constant struggle for initiative. In diplomacy, initiative is the best way to protect state interests.
A. A. Gromyko believed that diplomatic activity is hard work, requiring those who engage in it to mobilize all their knowledge and abilities. The task of a diplomat is “to fight to the end for the interests of his country, without harming others.” “To work across the entire range of international relations, to find useful connections between seemingly separate processes” - this thought was a kind of constant in his diplomatic activity. “The main thing in diplomacy is compromise, harmony between states and their leaders.”
In October 1988, Andrei Andreevich retired and worked on his memoirs. He passed away on July 2, 1989. “The State, the Fatherland is us,” he liked to say. “If we don’t do it, no one will.”

Eduar Amvrosievich Shevardnadze(July 2, 1985 - December 20, 1990)

Born on January 25, 1928 in the village of Mamati, Lanchkhuti district (Guria).
Graduated from Tbilisi Medical College. In 1959 he graduated from Kutaisi Pedagogical Institute. A. Tsulukidze.
Since 1946, at Komsomol and party work. From 1961 to 1964 he was the first secretary of the district committee of the Communist Party of Georgia in Mtskheta, and then the first secretary of the Pervomaisky district party committee of Tbilisi. In the period from 1964 to 1972 - First Deputy Minister for the Protection of Public Order, then - Minister of Internal Affairs of Georgia. From 1972 to 1985 - First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Georgia. In this post, he carried out a highly publicized campaign against the shadow market and corruption, which, however, did not lead to the eradication of these phenomena.
In 1985-1990 - Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR, from 1985 to 1990 - member of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee. Deputy of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR 9–11 convocations. In 1990-1991 - People's Deputy of the USSR.
In December 1990, he resigned “in protest against the impending dictatorship” and in the same year left the ranks of the CPSU. In November 1991, at the invitation of Gorbachev, he again headed the USSR Ministry of Foreign Affairs (called at that time the Ministry of Foreign Relations), but after the collapse of the USSR a month later this position was abolished.
Shevardnadze was one of Gorbachev's associates in pursuing the policy of perestroika
In December 1991, the Minister of Foreign Relations of the USSR E. A. Shevardnadze was one of the first among the leaders of the USSR to recognize the Belovezhskaya Agreements and the upcoming demise of the USSR.
E. A. Shevardnadze was one of M. S. Gorbachev’s associates in pursuing the policy of perestroika, glasnost and détente.