Colombian Armed Forces. Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia - Army of the People. Negotiations are a chance for peace

One of the longest guerrilla wars, which has not ended to this day, is the famous Colombian guerrilla war. In this Latin American country, hostilities have been ongoing for at least half a century, led by the formation of left-wing radical organizations against government troops. However, in the fall of 2015, Colombia began to hope to achieve the long-awaited peace between the government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia - Army of the People (FARC-EP) fighting against it. On September 23, 2015, in Cuba, through the mediation of Raul Castro, a historic meeting between the President of Colombia and the commander-in-chief of the FARC-EP took place, as a result of which an agreement on reconciliation was reached since 2016.

Background and main causes of the war

Colombia is a remarkable country even by Latin American standards. The former Spanish viceroyalty of New Granada, Colombia declared independence in 1810, and in fact it was possible to overcome the resistance of the Spanish colonialists during the famous war of liberation under the command of Simon Bolivar only in 1819. In 1819-1831. There was a state called Gran Colombia, which included not only modern Colombia, but also Venezuela, Ecuador and Panama. Simon Bolivar had plans to unite the Spanish-speaking countries of Latin America into a single state and Gran Colombia, according to the commander, was to become the basis of this unification. However, the majority of the generals who secured power in the former Spanish colonies did not support Bolivar’s idea of ​​unification - everyone wanted to be an independent ruler. In 1831, Ecuador and Venezuela broke away from Gran Colombia, and in 1903, with the support of the United States, Panama separated - the American leadership wanted to see the Panama Canal passing through the territory of a weak small state that could be easily put pressure on if necessary.

On November 3, 1903, the Colombian government refused to give the United States permission to build a transoceanic canal passing through the country. In response, the United States incited separatist sentiments in Panama and, with the direct support of the Americans, Panamanian separatists raised an armed uprising and achieved separation from Colombia. After this, relations between Colombia and the United States seriously deteriorated for almost a decade. The situation changed after large oil fields were discovered in Colombia. This happened in 1916-1918. The First World War was going on and the discovery of oil in Colombia could not but interest the United States. American companies began to penetrate into Colombia, gradually taking control not only of oil production, but also of the country’s agriculture. Significant areas of the country were used for plantations of the famous United Fruit Company, which gained enormous influence in the countries of Central America and some countries of South America. It is with this period of Latin American countries that the famous expression “banana republic” is associated. The American company, through its actions, managed to arouse the hatred of both trade union organizations, which defended the interests of the hired workers exploited by the company, and the Indian tribes, whose lands the company occupied for plantations, mercilessly expelling the Indians from the villages and depriving them of the opportunity to engage in their usual agricultural work or hunting and gathering in the forests. In 1928, another strike began on the plantations of the United Fruit Company, which was brutally suppressed by security forces who carried out a real massacre of hundreds of company workers. However, even after the brutal massacre, which, by the way, is described in the novel “One Hundred Years of Solitude” by the world famous Colombian writer Gabriel García Márquez, strikes and unrest both on the oil rigs and on the plantations of the United Fruit Company continued. The socio-economic situation in Colombia remained extremely difficult and was reflected in the political situation. The Liberal Party, which shared democratic values, opposed the Conservatives, who expressed the interests of large planters.
At the end of the 1940s. Among the Colombian peasantry and workers, the politician Jorge Eleser Gaitan (1903-1948), whom the Liberal Party was going to nominate as a candidate for the post of president of the country, gained great popularity. Gaitan intended to carry out democratic and socially oriented changes in the country, for which he received broad support from the masses. Since he could well count on success as a candidate for the presidency, the conservative part of the Colombian political elite decided to deal with the popular politician. On April 9, 1948, he was shot dead by an assassin while walking. Memories of this man were preserved by Fidel Castro Ruz, then a modest law student, and in the future, the leader of revolutionary Cuba: “our second meeting with Gaitan and other university representatives was to take place on April 9 at 2 o’clock in the afternoon. With a Cuban friend accompanying me, I was waiting for the hour of the meeting, walking along the avenue near the small hotel where we lived and Gaitan's office, when some fanatic or madman, no doubt at the instigation of someone, shot at the Colombian leader; the shooter was torn to pieces by the people. At that moment the unimaginable days I experienced in Colombia began. I was a volunteer fighter in the ranks of this brave people. I supported Gaitan and his progressive movement, just as Colombian citizens supported our mambi in the struggle for independence" (Quoted in: Castro F. Sincerity and the courage to be modest // http://cuba.in.ua/toprint.html ?id=84). After the murder of Gaitan, an armed popular uprising began in the country, which transformed into a civil war that lasted ten years and was called “La Violencia.” Officially, the conflict was considered a confrontation between the liberal and conservative parties, but in reality it was used by rich latifundists to sort things out among themselves and seize the lands of the country's peasant population. Detachments of bandits in the service of the oligarchs seized peasant lands and brutally dealt with the villagers. During the civil war, at least 200-250 thousand Colombians died. But it was precisely during these terrible years for the country that Colombian peasants, under the leadership of progressive-minded representatives of the intelligentsia, began to create the first armed groups to defend themselves from attacks by bandits and government troops defending the interests of the oligarchs. Despite the fact that, in the end, liberals and conservatives managed to agree among themselves, the process of creating popular movement has already been launched. Many peasant groups continued to exist even after the end of the civil war. Gradually, socialist views spread among Colombian peasants and urban workers and slum dwellers. The leading role in the formation of guerrilla armed groups was played by Colombian communists.

How the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia were created

The first attempts to create a Communist Party in Colombia dated back to the early 1920s. and, in principle, were of a random nature. In 1922, a certain Sylvester Savitsky appeared in the capital of the country, Bogota. A former Red Army commander who worked for the Soviet government was sent to China to organize grain purchases, but while on Japanese territory he came to the attention of Japanese intelligence services and, fleeing arrest, went to Panama. Having moved to Colombia, Savitsky met local socialist Luis Tejada and created a Marxist circle. On March 6, 1924, the communist circle of Savitsky and Tejada formed the organizing committee of the Communist Party of Colombia, and on May 1, 1924, the creation of the Communist Party of Colombia was announced. However, already on June 27, 1925, Sylvester Savitsky was deported from Colombia “for promoting doctrines that undermine social order, such as anarchism and communism.” Further activities Savitsky continued in Mexico, where he participated in the work of the Mexican Communist Party until his death. On July 17, 1930, the Communist Party of Colombia was re-established. During the Violencia, the communists managed to extend their influence to the peasant guerrilla groups, which subsequently did not stop fighting after the reconciliation of Colombian liberals and conservatives.

Some of the radical young partisans, who had previously fought in the ranks of liberal detachments, joined the communists. Among them was Pedro Antonio Marin (1930-2008), who went down in world history under the pseudonym “Manuel Marulanda” (pictured). Pedro Marin's grandfather and father participated in the activities of the liberal party, although they were simple coffee pickers. Marin himself in his youth joined the partisan detachment of the liberal party and participated in the fighting during the Violencia. Having met student Jacobo Arenas, who was in communist positions, Marin also became a member of the Communist Party and changed his first and last name to Manuel Marulanda. In 1964, Marulanda created an armed detachment of 47 peasants - partisans, operating in the south of the department of Tolima. At the same time, the detachment’s fighters took part in battles against government troops sent to the department to suppress mass protests of the local civilian population. Thus began the more than half-century history of the FARC - the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), which advocate for the social and political liberation of the Colombian people and are considered an armed formation of the Communist Party of Colombia. The partisans gained a foothold in the village of Marketalia, where a self-governing republic of the same name arose. Peasants living in Marketalia sold the agricultural products they produced in neighboring settlements. Initially, the inhabitants of Marquetalia did not cause any concern to the Colombian government; on the contrary, they tried to beg help from the central authorities for the development of the social and economic infrastructure of the settlement. However, the government decided that Marquetalia represented a dangerous example of self-government and self-organization for other peasant communities in Colombia and decided to liquidate this settlement by military means. An army group with a total number of 16 thousand soldiers and officers was concentrated against Marquetalia. Colonel Hernando Currea Cubides, who commanded the 6th Infantry Brigade of the Colombian Army, was directly in charge of the destruction of Marquetalia. The destruction of Marquetalia was considered as an integral part of the “National Security Doctrine”, developed at the initiative of the United States and implemented in Latin American states that were de facto satellites of the United States during the period under review.

However, the defeat of Marketalia did not affect the activity of the partisan movement; rather, on the contrary, the communist partisans came to new level thanks to rethinking their mistakes made during the existence of Marketalia. Gradually, the ranks of the guerrilla movement grew, as dissatisfaction with the government’s social and economic policies, colossal income differentiation, oppression by landowners and industrialists, and the dominance of American corporations in Colombia spread among more and more Colombians. The FARC declared its goal to be the deployment of a communist guerrilla force to overthrow the capitalist system in Colombia and transition to the construction of socialism and communism. The real peak of activation of the FARC occurred in the 1980-1990s. and was associated with the discovery of a new source of financing for the revolutionary organization - the drug business. As you know, Colombia is the world's largest coca producer. For hundreds of thousands of Colombian peasants, growing coca is the main source of income. Back in 1982, at the 7th conference of the FARC-AN, it was decided to impose a revolutionary tax on the largest producers of coca - latifundists and owners of illegal processing enterprises. Thus, the FARC was going to seek funds for further supply of partisan detachments. The decision to tax coca producers caused protests among some of the leaders of the Communist Party of Colombia, and therefore members of the FARC created a new ideological wing - the Underground communist party Colombia. In addition to taxing drug producers, the FARC-AN for a long time received funds from taking government officials, foreign citizens, and entrepreneurs hostage. In 2008, this direction of the FARC’s activities was condemned by Fidel Castro himself, who, however, called on the organization not to stop armed resistance and to continue its revolutionary activities.

The Revolutionary Armed Forces remain Colombia's largest radical left organization, waging a guerrilla war against the government. The number of FARC-AN during the heyday of the organization in the 1990s. reached 17,000 fighters. In addition, the FARC has a large number of sympathizers, primarily Colombian peasants, without whose support the organization would not have been able to operate in the countryside for such a long time and control vast territories. In the 1990s. combat units of the FARC-AN kept under their control no less than 45% of the entire territory of the country, which caused great concern not only for the Colombian authorities, but also for the American leadership, who saw in the organization’s activities the prospects for developing a scenario based on the Cuban model. It was thanks to the American presence in Colombia that government troops managed to significantly push back the Revolutionary Armed Forces, but they still represent an active and effective formation. The structure of the FARC is similar to that of an army. Platoons are united into partisan detachments, partisan detachments into formations, formations into columns, columns into fronts, and fronts into groups of fronts. The FARC-AN established military ranks like the army, and an interesting nuance is that even junior ranks command staff correspond to positions involving command of units of a certain size. There is the following scale of ranks: soldier (partisan), lance corporal (deputy platoon commander), senior corporal (platoon commander), junior sergeant (deputy commander of a partisan detachment), senior sergeant (commander of a partisan detachment), sergeant major (deputy commander of a partisan unit ), junior lieutenant (partisan commander), lieutenant (deputy column commander), captain (column commander), major (deputy front commander), lieutenant colonel (front commander), colonel (deputy commander of a group of fronts), brigadier general (commander of a group of fronts ), major general (deputy chief of the main staff), army general (chief of the main headquarters of the FARC-AN). Fights in the ranks of the FARC-AN a large number of foreign volunteers - most often they are communists by conviction or anti-imperialists - opponents of US dictatorship. Most of the volunteers come from neighboring Latin American countries, but there are also Europeans in the ranks of the FARC. Thus, the very impressive looking Dutch woman Tanya Niemeyer gained worldwide fame, becoming one of the official representatives of the FARC-AN in numerous negotiations with the Colombian authorities and international organizations.

According to Tanya Niemeyer, Colombia had very negative consequences from the US attention to the country, which has been manifested since the 19th century and due to the presence of large natural resources. The danger of American influence in Colombia was emphasized by Simon Bolivar, the “author” of Colombian independence, whose ideas the FARC also shares. Currently, the United States is trying with all its might to suppress the Colombian revolutionary movement, using the fight against drug production as the main pretext. Ostensibly in order to organize assistance to the Colombian government in the fight against drug trafficking, a large number of American military personnel and intelligence specialists, including the CIA and FBI, are located in the country. For a long time, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia had at their disposal their own radio station, “Voice of the Resistance,” which broadcast from the jungle not only to Colombia, but also to Europe. The radio promoted communist ideas, criticized the policies of the United States and the Colombian government, and broadcast popular musical works in Colombia. On November 19, 2011, Colombian government troops interrupted the radio station, “covering” the FARC camp in the province of Meta.

The liberation army was created by priests

In addition to the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), oriented towards Marxism-Leninism and acting as the armed wing of the Communist Party of Colombia, other radical left-wing organizations appeared in the country, focused on armed guerrilla struggle against the pro-American government. In the same 1964 as the FARC-AN, the National Liberation Army of Colombia was founded, the origins of which were Colombian students led by Fabio Vazquez, who visited Cuba and adopted the ideas of Guevaris. Unlike the FARC-AN, representatives of the clergy initially played a large role in the activities of the National Liberation Army. Oddly enough, in Latin America it is often priests who lead revolutionary movements. These are sometimes the only representatives of intellectual labor who are in regular interaction with the peasants of even the most backward and remote areas. Therefore, on the one hand, the priests know well the life and way of life of the peasant population of Colombia, and on the other hand, the peasants respect and trust those priests who really care about the people and wish them well. In the ranks of the National Liberation Army in the first stages of its existence, Padre Camilo Torres (1929-1966) himself, a university professor who taught at the sociological department of Columbia University, fought national university and at the same time a former Catholic priest. Camilo Torres was at the origins of “liberation theology,” a concept that spread in Colombia and then in other Latin American countries, combining Christianity with Marxist and socialist ideas.
In the partisan detachment, Camilo Torres served as a “political officer” and a doctor. He equipped the forest church, where, in addition to the crucifix, portraits of Lenin and Castro hung. However, already in the first battle with a military patrol of Colombian government troops, Padre Camilo Torres died. But after his death, another priest, Padre Manuel Perez Martinez, became active in the ranks of the National Liberation Army of Colombia. It is he who is the main developer of the ideology of the National Liberation Army, which is a mixture of liberation theology and Guevarism, including “focism” - the concept of creating “revolutionary centers” in the jungle. The Christian attitudes of the ELN contribute to its popularity among the believing peasants of the Colombian provinces. The armed struggle of the ELN took place in parallel with the struggle of the FARC. Over the course of several decades, from a small armed group of thirty people, the ANO has grown into a powerful guerrilla organization, the main part of which consists of peasants who join it under the influence of the sermons of priests sympathetic to the “theology of liberation.” The main activities of the ELN were the seizure of towns and villages, the release of prisoners from prisons and the expropriation of funds from banks, the murders of the most odious law enforcement officials and commanders of units of the Colombian armed forces. The organization's activities took place mainly in the department of Santander. At the end of the 1990s. the number of ANO was about 500 people, that is, in terms of influence it was many times inferior to the FARC, but it acted quite actively and was distinguished by an uncompromising position (it was the ANO that became the only partisan organization that did not sign the 1984 agreement).

Three years later than the FARC and ELN, another large guerrilla organization appeared - the People's Liberation Army, which became active in northern Colombia and also relied on the support of the rural population. Unlike the FARC and ELN, the People's Liberation Army was guided by the ideology of Maoism and was an armed formation of the pro-Chinese wing of the Colombian communist movement - the Marxist-Leninist Party of Colombia. The People's Liberation Army was unable to reach a level of activity comparable to the FARC-EP and even the National Liberation Army of Colombia. In 1999, the organization dissolved itself. Another influential organization was the April 19 Movement (M-19), which was created in 1974 and named after a key event in the country's political life - the defeat of the former dictator Roxas at presidential elections April 19, 1970 Unlike the FARC and the two ANOs, M-19 never adhered to Marxist-Leninist ideas, but was oriented towards a radical version of Bolivarianism with an admixture of socialist views. M-19 was led by former congressman Dr. Carlos Toledo Plata and Jaime Bateman Kayin. Carlos Plata, who led the political wing of the organization and was responsible for ideology and propaganda, died at the hands of pro-government militants. Jaime Cayin died in a plane crash, after which the organization was headed by Carlos Pizarro Leon Gomez. Initially, the April 19 Movement was active primarily in the form of expropriations of banks, then switched to a strategy of sabotage, and then undertook a loud action of a more advertising nature - it stole Bolívar’s spurs and sword from an exhibition organized at his former residence. By this, the activists of the Movement showed that the existing Colombian regime is unworthy of the memory of the heroic founder of Colombian statehood. In June 1984, M-19 participated in the signing of a ceasefire agreement with the government, but then resumed activities. In the mid-1980s. There were about 2,000 people in the ranks of M-19, while branches of the April 19 Movement operated in almost all cities of the country. The focus on waging guerrilla warfare in urban conditions was one of the key differences between the M-19 and the FARC and ANO, which fought primarily in rural areas. In 1990, the April 19 Movement ceased to exist as an armed organization and was legalized as the political party “Democratic Alliance M-19”.

Successes of the anti-partisan struggle

For the Colombian revolutionary underground and guerrilla organizations, the 2000s. became a time of gradual reduction in capabilities, although both the FARC-EP and the ELN continue active work and currently. After the son of a large landowner killed by FARC-AN fighters, Alvaro Uribe, was elected president of Colombia in 2002. While governor, Uribe managed to almost destroy the guerrilla movement in the territory of the province he controlled, organizing government-controlled self-defense units from peasants. Having led the country, Uribe entered into an agreement with the United States on the training of Colombian special forces by American military instructors, after which he quickly increased the combat effectiveness of the units fighting against the partisans and improved the coordination of joint actions of the army, police and peasant self-defense units. Uribe's successes contributed to the growth of his popularity among the conservative part of the country's population. In 2007, government troops changed the tactics of fighting partisans - now, first of all, special forces units and helicopter assault squadrons acted against the FARC-AN, ANO and other formations. The effectiveness of government forces against partisans sharply increased, as a result of which the number of FARC-AN was reduced from 17,000 to 9,000 people. Special forces operations killed at least 100 senior FARC-EP commanders, including the commander of the Caribbean Group of Fronts, Brigadier General Díaz, and the commander of the 16th Front, Thomas Medina. On March 1, 2008, the Colombian Air Force launched an air raid on the territory of neighboring Ecuador, since it had long been used by the FARC to host training bases. Colombian authorities accused the leadership of Ecuador and Venezuela of supporting the rebel movement in the country. As a result of the raid, 17 FARC-EP militants were killed, including Raul Reyes (1948-2008), the second person in the hierarchy of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, who was responsible for the international relations of the organization. A former leader of the Nestlé workers' union, Raul Reyes went underground as a young man and occupied senior positions in the FARC-EP leadership. He was even considered as Manuel Marulanda's successor as commander-in-chief of the FARC-EP. Three weeks after the death of Comandante Raul Reyes, the FARC-AN suffered a new heavy blow - on March 26, 2008, Manuel Marulanda (1930-2008), a 77-year-old revolutionary who participated in the partisan movement for the last 60 years of his life, died of a myocardial infarction and was in an illegal situation.

Alfonso Cano

After his death, the post of commander-in-chief of the FARC-AN was taken over by Comandante Alfonso Cano (1948-2011, real name Guillermo Leon Saenz Vargas). In his youth, Alfonso Cano studied at the university's Faculty of Law, and after graduating, he almost immediately joined the FARC-AN and went underground. It was he who stood at the foundation of the creation of the Underground Communist Party of Colombia - the political wing of the FARC-AN. After Cano replaced the deceased Marulanda at the head of the Revolutionary Armed Forces, the Colombian government began intensified persecution of the new guerrilla leader. About 4 thousand soldiers and officers of government forces were sent to capture Kano himself, and a large reward was promised for his head - 4 million dollars for information allowing to establish the whereabouts of the commander-in-chief of the FARC-AN. Such measures ultimately led to the desired result - as a result of the special operation "Odyssey" on November 4, 2011, Alfonso Cano was killed in the Colombian mountains, and several high-ranking guerrillas fell into the hands of government forces, including the head of the security of the commander-in-chief of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia.

The death of Alfonso Cano forced the leadership of the FARC-AN to reconsider its attitude to the issue of its own security. Timoleon Jimenez (known by the nickname “Timoshenko”) was appointed the new commander-in-chief of the FARC-AN, who currently holds this position. Timoleon Jimenez is a revolutionary pseudonym, the real name of the commander-in-chief of the Revolutionary Armed Forces - Rodrigo Londoño Echeverri. He was born in 1959 in the Colombian department of Quindio, and after graduating from school he went to receive medical education in the specialty “cardiology” in the Soviet Union, then to Cuba. Jimenez underwent military training in Yugoslavia, and in March 1982 he joined the ranks of the FARC-AN and quickly made a career there, earning universal respect in the ranks of the partisans as a tough and fearless field commander. Already in 1986, 27-year-old Jimenez was actually the fifth person in the command hierarchy of the FARC-AN, and became part of the partisan secretariat. It was he who led the activities of the partisans in the department of Northern Santander. The United States of America accuses Jimenez of organizing drug trafficking in Colombia, and the Colombian authorities accuse him of kidnappings, murders and rebellion. In May 2006, a Colombian court sentenced Jimenez in absentia to 40 years in prison for murder and kidnapping. The US State Department accuses Jimenez of organizing the production and trafficking of cocaine, and the US government is ready to pay a reward of $5 million for information about his whereabouts. Meanwhile, it was Timoleon Jimenez who became the first leader of the FARC-AN to advocate peace negotiations with the Colombian authorities and was even ready to discuss the development of a market economy and political democracy in Colombia.

Negotiations - a chance for peace?

In 2012, peace negotiations between the Colombian leadership and the FARC-AN command began. On September 23, 2015, Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos and FARC-EP commander-in-chief Timoleon Jimenez met in Havana, where, through the mediation of Cuban President Raul Castro, they signed an agreement on the timing of reaching peace agreements. In accordance with this agreement, the process of surrender and demobilization of FARC-EP fighters should begin at the end of November 2015. In turn, the government will consider amnesty for the guerrillas of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia. In 2013, the Colombian government entered into negotiations with the command of the National Liberation Army of Colombia, whose armed forces currently number at least 3,000 militants. The Colombian government initiated negotiations with the ELN after the militants released the Canadian geologist they had taken hostage, who had been held captive for seven months. In March 2015, the ELN released four geologists who had been held hostage since February 2015. The released geologists were handed over to the Red Cross mission in the province of Norte de Santander. Negotiations with the ANO continued until 2015, but in parallel, government troops conducted military operations against the partisan detachments of the National Liberation Army. On June 14, 2015, the world media reported that as a result of a special operation by Colombian government forces, ELN commander-in-chief José Amin Hernandez Manrique, known as “Marcos” or “Marquitos,” was killed. Lately, forces under his command have been active in western Colombia. In early October 2015, Colombian authorities announced the elimination of the famous guerrilla commander and, according to government media reports, drug lord Victor Navarro. Until the end of the 1990s. Victor Navarro acted as part of the Maoist People's Liberation Army of Colombia, but after its dissolution he refused to lay down his arms and continued resistance at the head of his own detachment. The guerrillas called him "Megateo", and he himself claimed that he was collecting taxes on the cocaine trade in order to finance the "people's war" against the Colombian government.

It should be noted that Colombia is a country of eternal guerrilla warfare. Colombia and Afghanistan have something in common - these countries, where continuous war continues, are also the largest exporters of drugs. American military contingents operate in both places, and American intelligence services are very active. It is clear that without imposing a “revolutionary tax” on cocaine producers and dealers, the Colombian revolutionary guerrillas would not have been able to finance their activities, but then significant part Right-wing conservative forces expressing US interests also receive income from drug trafficking. It is no coincidence that when the FARC-AN and the drug mafia units divided the “spheres of influence”, the Colombian government troops, trained and led by American military advisers, took the side of the latter. The United States views Colombia as an outpost of its influence in Latin America and a military base for the deployment of American units. The US provides enormous military assistance to Colombia - the country ranks third on the list of countries receiving US defense support - after Egypt and Israel. In fact, it is the United States that is responsible for funding, arming and training the Colombian army and police units, which cost the American budget billions of dollars. Despite the fact that the Soviet Union and the socialist camp in Eastern Europe collapsed in 1991, socialist and revolutionary ideas remain highly popular in Latin America, which cannot but frighten the American leadership. Left forces are in power in Cuba, Nicaragua, Venezuela, Bolivia, the left is winning elections in Ecuador, Brazil, Uruguay. Against this background, Colombia remains the most reliable military-political ally of the United States, which is why the American leadership is ready to provide comprehensive military assistance to the Colombian armed forces. At the same time, in Colombia, compared to other Latin American countries, there is one of the toughest regimes in relation to the opposition, and the economic well-being of the population leaves much to be desired. Although the country has enormous natural resources, a significant part of the population lives in poverty. At least half of the Colombian population lives below the poverty line. Entire regions of the country are actually not controlled by the central government, while drug cartels and criminal groups serve as “shadow governance” in these territories. Political instability, armed conflicts, and drug trafficking are destructive factors for the development of the country, hampering the development of the economy and infrastructure, attracting foreign investment in the economy and improving the standard of living of the local population.

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Armed forces of the world

Colombian Armed Forces

Although at the beginning of the twentieth century the United States forcibly seized the territory of present-day Panama from Colombia (with the aim of building an interoceanic canal there under American control), today Colombia is Washington’s closest ally in South America. The country has a very large army, which almost constantly wages a difficult counterinsurgency war with two extremely powerful opponents - the cocaine drug cartels and the leftist group FARC. In this endless war, Colombian troops gained significant combat experience. However, the Colombian Armed Forces are completely unprepared for a classic “army against army” war, lacking not only the relevant experience, but also the necessary military equipment. They have no tanks, infantry fighting vehicles, self-propelled guns, MLRS, attack helicopters, and very weak fighter aircraft. Only the Navy more or less responds to the situation in a potential theater of war. The Colombian Armed Forces in terms of waging a classic war are incomparably weaker than the Venezuelan Armed Forces, given the very tense relations between Bogota and Caracas.

Colombia has practically no military-industrial complex; only small ships and boats and light aircraft are built. The country purchases most of its weapons from the USA, Israel and Brazil. Almost all the equipment is seriously outdated.

Ground troops They form the backbone of the Colombian Armed Forces, and they are the ones who wage a permanent counterinsurgency war. Almost all combat brigades are part of eight divisions, which are, in fact, regional commands (military districts). These divisions (regional commands) are the 1st (headquarters in Santa Marta; the division includes the 2nd mechanized and 10th armored brigades), 2nd (Bucaramanga; 1st, 5th, 30th Infantry, 23rd Mobile Brigade), 3rd (Cali; 3rd, 23rd, 29th Infantry, 14th, 17th, 19th, 28th, 29th , 32nd, 35th, 37th Mobile Brigades), 4th (Villavicenzo; 7th Infantry, 22nd and 31st Jungle Brigades), 5th (Bogota; 6th , 8th, 9th, 13th Infantry, 8th, 20th Mobile Brigades), 6th (Florence; 12th Infantry, 13th Mobile, 26th, 27th for action jungle brigade), 7th (Medellin; 4th, 11th, 14th, 17th infantry, 15th for jungle operations, 11th, 16th, 18th, 24th I, 25th Mobile Brigade), 8th (Yopal; 16th, 18th, 28th Infantry, 5th, 31st Mobile Brigades).

In addition, the ground forces include an army aviation division (includes the 25th and 32nd air brigades), an MTR brigade, an anti-drug brigade, and an RRF (includes the 1st, 2nd, 3rd, 7th, 10th yu mobile brigades).

In service there are more than 300 armored personnel carriers (119 Brazilian EE-9, 68 American M1117, up to 100 extremely outdated American M8), about 200 armored personnel carriers and armored vehicles (54 American М113А1/2, 76 Brazilian EE-11, 4 South African RG-31 Nyala "and 5 "Buffalos", 32 Canadian LAV-III, 8 Israeli "Sandcat", 4 own TR-12 "Hunter").

The artillery includes more than 130 towed guns (40 French LG1MkIII, 80 American M101, 18 British L-118 (105 mm), 15 Spanish SBT-1 (155 mm)) and more than 700 mortars (350 M4 (60 mm), 125 M1, 16 self-propelled M125A1 (81 mm), 80 M-2 (68 more in storage) (107 mm), 120 Brandt (90 more in storage), 38 HY12, 52 AM50 (120 mm)).

There are Israeli Spike ATGMs and at least 70 American Tou (including 18 self-propelled on the Hummer and 20 on the M8), French Mistral MANPADS and up to 60 American Stinger MANPADS, up to 75 Swiss anti-aircraft Oerlikon guns (35 mm); up to 150 Swedish M1 (40 mm) anti-aircraft guns are in storage.

The Colombian Ground Forces have a large army aviation force. It consists of 3 RER aircraft (2 Beach-B200, 1 Beach-350), 25 transport aircraft (3 Commander-690, 2 Commander-695 (another 1-3 in storage), 5 Beach "(1 -S90, 2 -200, 2 -350), 1 "Cessna-206" (up to 3 more in storage), 8 "Cessna-208", 1 "Cessna-210", 1 RA-34 (3 more -5 in storage), 2 S-212, 2 An-32; 1 Beach-65, up to 2 RA-31 in storage), more than 100 multi-purpose and transport helicopters (46 UH-60L (1 more in storage), 7 S-70, 39 UH-1 (23 N, 16 N), 20 Mi-17). All aircraft are American-made, except for the Spanish S-212, Ukrainian An-32 and Russian Mi-17.

Police aviation can be considered a “branch” of army aviation. It consists of more than 60 aircraft (8-9 AT-802, 7 S-26 (2 A, 5 V), 5 ATR-42, 10 Cessna-206 (another 1-2 in storage), 6 Cessna-206 208", 1 "Cessna-150", 1 "Cessna-152" (1-2 more in storage), 3 "Cessna-172", 4 RA-31 (up to 3 more in storage), 1 DHC-6 (more 1 in storage), 1 DHC-8, 4 BT-67, 11 Beach (4 -200 (up to 2 more in storage), 2 -300, 1 -350, 4 -1900C); in addition, 1 Cessna -185", 2 "Cessna-210", 1 "Cessna-421", 1-2 "Cessna-310", 1 "Cessna-402", 1 "Cessna-441", 2 "Commander-695", up to 2 RA-32 in storage) and more than about 100 helicopters (from 2 to 6 Hughes-369, 1 Bell-412, 10 Bell-212, 6 Bell-407, 12 Bell-206 ( 6 B, 6 L), 19 UH-60 (10 A, 9 L), 34 UH-1H-II (up to 32 more in storage)).

Of all the equipment of the Colombian ground forces, LAV-III armored vehicles, Nyala armored vehicles, Spike ATGMs, Mistral MANPADS, UH-60 and Mi-17 helicopters can be considered relatively new. But they are also focused on conducting counterinsurgency, but not classical warfare.

Air Force include six combat (1st - 6th) and transport commands, Caribbean and Eastern air groups.

In accordance with the orientation towards counterinsurgency warfare, the basis of combat aviation is made up of light attack aircraft - 24 Brazilian A-29B (EMB-314), 4 American A-37B (2 more in storage) and up to 10 OA-37B (up to 8 more in storage), 3 OV-10A (up to 2 more in storage), 6 AS-47T (“gunships” based on the old transport S-47). In addition to the attack aircraft, there are only 16 old Israeli Kfir fighter-bombers (13 SOA, 3 COD; another 6 SOA in storage).

The Air Force has 20 RER aircraft (6 SA-2-37, 5 Cessna-560, 6 Cessna-208, 2 Beach-350, 1 ECN-235) and 1 KS-767 tanker, all of these American-made aircraft.

Transport aircraft - 6 American C-130 (3 B, 3 H; 1 more B in storage), 3 Boeing-737, 2 Boeing-727 (1 more in storage), 1 Cessna-550, 2 "Cessna-337", 1 "Cessna-182", 11 "Cessna-208", up to 1 "Cessna-210", 5-6 "Beach-S90", 1-2 "Beach-300", 6 "Beach- 350", 2 "Commander-695" (up to 2 more, possibly in storage), up to 3 RA-32, up to 2 RA-34 (2-4 more in storage), 2 RA-42 (1 more in storage) , 2 Brazilian ERJ145, 1 ERJ135, 1 EMB-170, 2 EMB-110, 1 Israeli IAI-201, 4 Spanish S-212, 1 CN-235M, 6 S-295M, 7 French ATR-42 (1 more in storage ), 2 Dutch F-28s; another 4 to 8 Beach-65, up to 4 Commander-680, 1-3 Commander-690, up to 3 Cessna-206, 1 Cessna-303, up to 2 Cessna-340 , up to 4 Cessna-402, up to 5 Cessna-404, 2 Cessna-421, up to 7 RA-23, up to 7 RA-31 and up to 3 German Do-328 are in storage.

Training aircraft - 25 American T-90 Legacy, 16 T-37B (2 more T-37C in storage), 9 T-41D (3 to 9 more in storage), 2 T-34 (up to 16 more in storage ), 14 Brazilian EMB-312.

There are more than 150 American-made helicopters - 12 AN-60, 10 UH-60 and 3 MH-60, 14 OH-58 (17 more in storage), up to 40 UH-1H (at least 2 more in storage) and up to 1 Bell -205 (up to 5 more in storage), 12 Bell-206B, 9 Bell-212, 2 Bell-412, 1-2 MD-500E and 1 Hughes-369 (1 more in storage), 59 TN-67A; up to 10 American F-28Fs are in storage.

Navy consist of 4 submarines of German construction: 2 submarines of the Piggio type (project 209/1200) were built specifically for Colombia, 2 of the Intrepido type (project 206; another 2 similar submarines were received as a source of spare parts) transferred from composition of the German Navy. There are 7 sabotage SMPLs of the Triunfante type.

Also in Germany, 4 frigates of the Almirante Padilla class were built. In addition, the Navy includes 5 corvettes and a PC - 1 Nariño (South Korean Donghae type), 3 20 July type (built in Colombia according to the German ORV-80 project), 1 American Reliance type.

There are up to 20 patrol boats - 2 American Toledo type, 4 Point type, 2 Asheville type, 2 Castillo Rada type (Swiftship-105), 2 Jose Maria Palace type (Swiftship-105). 110"), 2 "Jaime Gomez" type ("Sea Spectrum"), 1 "Espartana" (Spanish "Cormoran" type), 1 "November 11" (German project CPV-40), 3 "Punta Espada" (South Korean pr. CPV-46). The Navy also operates more than 40 small river patrol boats different types, 4 self-built MDKs of the BAL-C type.

Naval aviation includes 3 Spanish CN-235MPA patrol aircraft, up to 16 transport aircraft (1 C-212, up to 4 Cessna-206 (1 more in storage), 3 Cessna-208, 1 Beach-350 "(1 more, possibly in storage), 1 "Beach-S90", up to 3 RA-28, 1 RA-34, 1 ATR-42; up to 4 "Commander-690" and up to 6 RA-31 in storage) , up to 20 helicopters (1 French AS555SN and 2 AS365N3, 1 German BK-117 and 2 Bo-105, 7 American Bell-412, 1-2 Bell-212, 5 UH-1N, 1 Soviet Mi-8).

The Marine Corps includes four brigades - the 1st, as well as the 1st, 2nd, and 3rd river brigades. It is armed with 8 Russian BTR-80s and 20 mortars (81 mm).

up to 20 thousand people

Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia - Army of the People(Spanish) Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia – Ejército del Pueblo ), FARC- Left-wing rebel group in Colombia. In 2001, the US State Department added the FARC to the list of terrorist organizations, and the European Union later made a similar decision. Cuba and Venezuela insist that the organization is a guerrilla organization based on Bolivarian ideas.

We are a military-political organization in opposition to the ruling regime of Colombia, led by the ideas of Marx, Lenin and Bolivar. We are fighting for a socialist society in order to restore justice throughout the planet, starting with our homeland.

History of creation

The organization was formed in 1964 as the military wing of the Colombian Communist Party. At first, the FARC actually acted as a guerrilla left-wing radical formation, but later, in the 1980s, it began to engage in drug trafficking and kidnapping (however, the FARC itself completely denies the accusation of drug trafficking). The decision to support coca cultivation was made at the 7th Guerrilla Conference in 1982. Such activities led to the FARC's break with the Colombian Communist Party (in its publications, the Colombian Communist Party, however, does not oppose the FARC and does not support either the campaign against it or the accusations leveled at this organization). In the 1990s, the Underground Communist Party of Colombia was created, which is the ideological wing of the FARC.

The FARC is governed by a “secretariat” led by the Comandante and six other field commanders, among them the most famous guerrilla in Colombia, Jorge Briceño. Until May 25, 2008, the position of Commander-in-Chief of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia was held by Manuel Marulanda. After his death, Alfonso Cano was appointed leader of the Colombian rebels. However, in recent months his influence in the organization has weakened significantly. One of his associates, Ivan Marquez, actually became the head of the FARC.

Activity

“In its heyday in the 1990s, the FARC 'people's army' was a formidable force: more than 17,000 men and women in uniform, supported by a civilian militia numbering in the thousands, supplying them with food, medicine and information, with an international network capable of supporting operational communication with other countries and ideological allies. The rebels controlled 45% of Colombian territory and were even considered a threat to Bogotá. But Colombia did not need another army on the march, seizing territory, splitting small rural towns into pieces, expelling people from their homes and destroying rural infrastructure. As a result, the FARC army began to be hated and feared. The uprising has lost its main asset - the support of the people."

According to some analysts, the organization is responsible for approximately 70% of all terrorist attacks carried out in Colombia. There is also an alternative view that more of these attacks were planned by the government in order to incite public opinion against the FARC. One of the largest was the explosion on November 3, 1998 in the city of Mitu, when 138 people were killed and 30 were injured. In addition to bombings and assassination attempts, the FARC is blamed for kidnappings. The most famous captive is Ingrid Betancourt, a Colombian presidential candidate who was kidnapped on February 23, 2002. It is assumed that medical assistance is being provided to the militants in Cuba. Over the years, the group has effectively become a parallel government in Colombia. With the coming to power of the government of President Alvaro Uribe, Colombian troops, with technical and financial support from the United States, conducted a successful campaign against the rebels.

According to the official Colombian government, the FARC is responsible for numerous terrorist attacks, bombings, assassinations of politicians, kidnappings and extortion in the country. The FARC leads Colombia in the number of kidnapped people. Hostages are taken primarily to obtain ransom and as a tool to influence the government of the country. In March 1999, the FARC executed three American Indian rights activists whom the guerrillas accused of belonging to the CIA. The FARC kidnapped at least 326 people between 2000 and 2008, according to the Fundación País Libre.

FARC collects "revolutionary taxes" from coca farmers and drug traffickers. In this regard, the Colombian government calls the FARC "narco-guerrillas".

Decline of the FARC

Since 2007, government troops have gone on the offensive. Tactics were changed: instead of large military operations, the emphasis was placed on the actions of mobile special forces units and “air cavalry” strikes supported by helicopters. Particular attention was paid to intelligence operations. As a result of the actions of the government army, the number of FARC was reduced by 2 times to 8-9 thousand people. Approximately 100 FARC commanders were eliminated: autumn 2007 - the commander of the Caribbean Bloc, Gustav Rueda Diaz, and the commander of the 16th Front, Tomas Medina, were killed, March 1, 2008, Raul Reyes (the second person in the FARC Secretariat) was killed, March 3, Ivan Rios was killed ( commander of the FARC Central Bloc), March 26 - FARC leader Manuel Marulanda Vélez was killed.

FARC propaganda

The FARC's mouthpiece for many years was the radio station “Voz de la Resistencia” (“Voice of the Resistance”), located in the forests of the FARC-controlled regions of Colombia. Voz de la Resistencia reached its peak in the early 2000s, when the station was able to create a network of FM and medium-wave transmitters in Colombia. FARC radio broadcasts on short waves were also received in Europe. The station broadcast successful music programs in Colombia, had a recording division, and released music CDs. Currently, the station is the only mass media organization, due to the sanctions imposed on the movement.

Peace negotiations

Literature

• FARC-EP. Revolutionary Colombia. History of the partisan movement. M.: Gileya, 2003. - (Hour “H”. Modern world anti-bourgeois thought). ISBN 5-87987-027-8

see also

Notes

1. Lenta.ru: In the world: “Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia” elected a new leader
2. Colombian militant leaders are hiding in Venezuela and Ecuador (inaccessible link - story)
3. Chronicle of 39 years of struggle (inaccessible link - story)
4. Thomas Cook. The Financial Arm of the FARC: A Threat Finance Perspective (Retrieved October 20, 2011)
5. La hora de ‘Márquez’ y ‘Timochenko’ El Espectador, November 24, 2009 (Spanish)
6. FARC leader surrenders to Colombian authorities
7. POLIT.RU: Colombian partisans: between past and future
8. Radical news
9. Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia: almost parallel government
10. Las Farc secuestraron a 326 personas entre 2000 y 2008 (Spanish) (inaccessible link - story)
11. Matthew Bristow. Among the FARC's True Believers (Retrieved October 20, 2011)
12. Military-industrial review "Arsenal". Colombia: guerrillas do not surrender
13. Murphy, Helen; Acosta, Louis James Colombian government seeking peace with FARC rebels. Reuters. Yahoo News (August 27, 2012). Archived from the original on October 23, 2012. Retrieved August 28, 2012.

• General civil conscription age (male): 18 years
• Service life of a conscript in the army: 2 years
• Military human potential (men from 18 to 49 years old): 10,500,000 people. (1997)
• Contingent corresponding to conscription standards (male): 6,900,000 people (1997)
• Contingent reaching conscription age annually (male): 350,000 people. (1997)
• Military budget: $2.4 billion USA (1997)
• Relative to GDP: 2.8% (1997)
• Total strength of the National Army, Navy and Air Force: 150,000 people. (1997)

Historical overview

The beginning of the Colombian armed forces can be considered organized militias created by the independent government of the United Provinces of New Granada.

New Granada is a republic proclaimed in 1811, which included the territories of modern Colombia, Venezuela, Ecuador and Panama.

These units consisted of volunteers and were divided into infantry and cavalry. The detachments were commanded by veterans of the recent war with Spain. The first constitution, adopted in 1811, placed responsibility for the formation and financing of the army on Congress. The Spanish army structure, as well as its traditions, were transferred to the new army. Additionally, mandatory specialized training was introduced. The military hatched plans to create their own military academy, which could systematize the army's educational process.

In the 19th century, unlike the armies of other Latin American countries, Colombian army did not play a major role in the formation of the state. After New Granada gained independence from Spain, two important factors influenced the adoption of measures to prevent the possible influence of the army on the political life of the country. Firstly, these were the leaders themselves, adhering to anti-militaristic principles in governance, and, secondly, the final formation by the middle of the 19th century of two strong political parties that were able to effectively limit the army from politics.

Despite the fact that many leaders in both parties bore the rank of generals, their party affiliation dominated above all else. In response to the popular sentiment of the time, statesmen rarely expressed any interest in developing a strong army. Quite the contrary - they were in no hurry to contribute to this. Due to the frequent forceful resolution of political contradictions that abounded in the 19th century, the army was constantly in a state of organizational crisis. There was even a moment when in 1860 the army, which had been disbanded for a short time, was replaced by the people's militia.

In 1880, the government passed the first set of laws regulating the functioning of the army and defining its responsibilities, which were to maintain and maintain order both within and outside the country.

The Constitution of 1886 adopted a law on universal military service, but all the provisions on the army were finally formed only at the beginning of the next century.

Subsequently, all measures taken were weakened by the most serious internal conflict in the history of Colombia - the “War of a Thousand Days” coup organized by the liberal party in 1899.

Military in the history of Colombia

In Colombia, the military took direct part in governing the country only three times - in 1830, 1854 and 1953, and only once - from 1953 to 1957 - for more than a year.

At the beginning of the twentieth century, there were only two countries left on the South American continent with a civilian government - Colombia and Venezuela. The army more often acted as a support for political and economic elites. Although the constitution did not say that the Minister of Defense should be from among the military, nevertheless, it was they (the military) who held this portfolio since the beginning of the National Front agreements (1957). The Secretary of Defense is not required to resign during a cabinet reorganization unless by personal order of the President. But in any case, constitutional and legislative articles limit the participation of the army in the political life of the country.

The traditional absence of high-ranking officers among the elite of society explains its tendency to form civil authorities.

The elite classes are indifferent to military service, so officers, for the most part, come from the middle class of society. Since the 1960s The army strives to increase the prestige of military service, instill public respect for people in uniform, and increase the competence and professionalism of army employees.

The country's presidents at various times took a number of disciplinary measures against those high-ranking military personnel who violated constitutional and legislative norms of non-interference in political affairs.

More than once - in 1965, 1969 and 1984. Presidents have removed from office military leaders who attempted to challenge civilian authorities. Thus, in 1965, the President removed the Secretary of Defense for his criticism of the government and public statements about his commitment to structural changes with greater autonomous participation of the military in the socio-economic development of the country. In 1969, the commander of the Colombian army was removed from his post for his article in a military magazine.

The article criticized the budget and civilian interference in military financing. In 1984, the president removed the army commander from his post for arguing with the official commission to resolve relations with the rebels.

The role of the military in politics

Throughout the entire twentieth century in Colombia there was only a single case of the military seizing power by force.

Several more attempts to stage a military coup were unsuccessful. The plans of some military groups to seize power remained unrealized. Therefore, in this case we can talk about a high level of law-abiding people who consider themselves to be in the army.

The military began to intensify its participation in political life during the period of the National Front agreements. This participation was expressed in support of the current civilian authorities in the tasks of maintaining internal order and national security.

When rebel groups began to appear in the country, the military began to eliminate them. They often replaced civilian authorities in rural areas where armed conflicts occurred, which often led to accusations against them of abuse of power. When these confrontations became particularly violent, the government was forced to declare a state of emergency in the country.

The military, taking advantage of the opportunity, sought greater autonomy.

In the 1980s In addition to carrying out internal tasks to ensure order in the country, the military also had to deal with ensuring security beyond its borders. Thus, in the dispute that arose (due to the revival of oil ambitions) with Venezuela about the border line in the sea, the participation of the military did not allow this conflict to escalate into an armed clash.

Under the influence of the president ruling at that time, the mood of the army was clearly anti-communist. The military demonstrated their position ill-treatment with rebel organizations of pro-Marxist and leftist leanings. The facts of such treatment were reflected in the declarations of international human rights organizations accusing the military of the disappearance or torture of left-wing political figures.

National Army

By the end of the 20th century, the national army consisted of about 120,000 active soldiers, of whom approximately 50,000 were conscripts. The national army made up about 80% of the total military forces in the country. Approximately 500 people served in UN organizations as military observers and peacekeepers.

The number of reservists who had already completed military service numbered about 130,000 people. In the nineties of the last century, the army was reduced to four divisions, and infantry troops to twelve brigades.

The country is militarily divided into ten military districts.

Each of the four divisions has under its jurisdiction two or three military districts, consisting of three brigades. Each brigade must have at least two infantry battalions and one conscript battalion. But for the most part they consist of three infantry battalions, one mechanized battalion and one artillery battalion, as well as engineering troops and conscript personnel. In total, all divisions include: thirty infantry battalions, six mechanized, six engineering battalions, twelve conscripts and three military police battalions.

The thirteenth brigade, called the Brigade of Military Educational Institutions (Brigada de Institutos Militares - BIM), is stationed in Bogotá. It has the status of an elite rapid response combat formation and consists of a battalion of paratroopers, infantry, cavalry, artillery, engineers, military support services, training battalions, as well as the Lanceros counter-insurgency battalion. The Lanceros battalion receives special training. In addition, five more are based in Bogotá special battalions directly subordinate to the Commander-in-Chief of the country: the presidential battalion, the Leticia battalion - a mixed battalion for hard-to-reach regions, the anti-aircraft artillery battalion - Nueva Granada, the 11th military police battalion and the San Jorge battalion - mechanized cavalry.

Most of the weapons in the army are US-made weapons - M-3A1 Stuart tanks, M-8, M-113 and M-3A2 armored cars, as well as Brazilian armored cars EE-9 Cascavel, EE-11 Urutu and EE-3 Jararaca and anti-tank TOW weapons.

Artillery armament consists mainly of US-made M-101-105 mm howitzers, M-1 (81 mm) and M-2 (107 mm and 120 mm) mortars. Air defense: M-1A1 installations (37 mm and 40 mm).

In the early 90s of the last century, the infantry was mainly armed with the German G3 automatic rifle.

Heavy small arms are represented by Madsen models M46, M50 and M53, as well as Walter MP-K and MAC-10.
Colombian Military Factories, part of the Colombian Armed Forces, produce most of the army's ammunition.

Navy

By the end of the 20th century. The number of naval troops was approximately 15,000 people - 10% of the total number of armed forces in Colombia. The General Headquarters of the Navy is based in Bogota. Commanding navy has three deputies: the commander of naval operations, the Supreme Naval Council and the chief of naval personnel. The fleet consists of four flotillas: the Caribbean Flotilla with headquarters in Cartagena, the Pacific Flotilla with headquarters in Buenaventura, the Western River Flotilla with headquarters in Puerto Legizamo on the Putumayo River, and the Eastern River Flotilla with headquarters in Orocue on the Meta River. . The main naval contingent is based in Cartagena.

Each flotilla is assigned a corresponding composition of infantrymen, ships and aircraft according to the decisive tasks.

The Navy's armament includes US-made EE-9 and EE-11 Urutu armored personnel carriers, VO-105 helicopters, Piper Cherokee aircraft, as well as West German and Italian submarines, frigates, corvettes, large patrol ships, high-speed seagoing vessels, river patrol.

The structure also includes transport, rescue and research vessels, a floating dock, training vessels and tugs.

German Class 1200 patrol submarines are diesel-electric and armed with torpedoes. Italian submarines of the SX-506 type. The FS-1500 class frigates are armed with Exocet MM-40 and Seasparrow (Albatross) surface-to-surface missiles, Mk 32 A/S torpedoes, 76mm weapons, 40mm Breda cannons, and 30mm Oerlikon cannons. VO-105 helicopters are also based on frigates.

Large-mix patrol vessels of the Cherokee type. The corvettes are armed with Exocet missiles. The Asheville class rapid response vessels are all made in the USA.

Arauca class river and sea patrol vessels are Colombian-made. Rescue and research vessels carry out work in the field of geophysics, hydrography, and oceanology.

Air Force

The Colombian Air Force (Fuerza Aerea Colombiana—FAC) numbered 15,000 in the early 1990s. The Air Force consists of fighter, tactical, transport and training units.

The main bases are located in the city of Palanquero in the department of Cundinamarca, in the city of Barranquilla, in the city of Cali, in the city of Apiay and in the city of Bogota. These bases will house units consisting of airplanes and helicopters armed with various types of missiles depending on the tasks performed in a given region.

Colombia's flying corps consists of French Mirage-5 aircraft, American AT-33 and A-37 Cessna, as well as C-130s, a C-54, C-47s, HS-748s, F-28s, DHC-2s, IAI -201s, RT-33 and PC-6s, 500M OH-6A Cayuse, Hughes 500-MG and Hughes 500C helicopters. The helicopters are armed with Bell UH-1B/Hs and Bell 205 A-1s missiles. The training equipment consists of Cessna T-41D and T-34A/B aircraft, and Bell 47s, Hughes 300Cs, and Hughes 500Cs helicopters.

Also in coastal areas and on the islands of the Caribbean Sea and the Pacific Ocean, A-37s are used for patrolling.

Although the country's air force's weapons are American-made, the Colombian military industry produces the majority of small aircraft, which are mainly used in regions with difficult terrain.

In recent years, a number of Israeli C-7 Kfir fighters have also been acquired.

Command staff

According to the constitution, the country's president is the supreme military commander. He also heads the police and law enforcement forces. The President appoints the Minister of Defense from among the highest military commanders.

The head of the Ministry of National Defense, unlike all other cabinet ministers, cannot represent any political party in the country - the Colombian armed forces must remain neutral.

The National Security Council is the coordinating body for national security and defense issues in Colombia. His responsibilities also include monitoring the appropriate use of part of the state budget allocated for defense purposes.

Armed Forces Budget

The intensification of the activities of rebel organizations and drug-armed groups forced the government to increase the amount of national budget funds allocated to military expenditures. In the 1990s, the annual budget of the Armed Forces was about $350 million, which was almost twice the amount allocated for similar expenses 10 years ago.

At that time, this amount was equal to 15% of the budget for state needs and was in second place in the rank of national priorities after the costs allocated for education. It should be noted that only in the 1960s did the budget of the Armed Forces reach such heights. In relation to the total volume of the national budget, this amount fluctuated between 7-10%, sometimes reaching 20%. The military budget during this period was only 1% of the gross domestic product (GDP).

Over time, requests from the military command to increase the budget of the Armed Forces increased, but the government managed to take some measures to purchase weapons without detracting from other priority areas.

One of these measures was a significant reduction in customs tariffs and taxes on weapons imports.

Foreign participation

At the beginning of the twentieth century, Chilean military consultants visited the country to assist in the creation of higher military educational institutions. This event marked the beginning of foreign participation in the development of the Colombian Armed Forces.

Europeans also made their contribution. In the 1920s, the French delegation provided advisory and technical training for the creation of the Colombian Air Force. From 1924 to 1933, a Swiss training mission hired by the government operated in Colombia. From 1929 to 1934, a German group of specialists helped develop the Republic's Navy.

The British mission conducted a training program in Columbia from 1936 to 1938. After it, the first American military delegation of military experts arrived to support the Navy.

After the end of World War II, the United States established itself as the main foreign consultants of the Colombian Armed Forces. Since the 1960s, the main training program for officers has taken place at the US Military Academies. More than one thousand Colombian military specialists have gone through this program.

Training programs include both purely military subjects and lecture courses on international law and security. Many hours of lectures and practical training are devoted to preparing military personnel to fight insurgent organizations and narco-armed groups.

Every year, Colombia takes part, along with other countries in the region, in exercises on the South American coast.

A large number of foreign weapons - from France, Germany, Italy, Israel, Brazil and Argentina - serves as a reason for Colombia to cooperate with these countries in the field of military consulting.

Video: Top 5 Colombian-made weapon models

Colombia strengthens central government with shipbuilding and helicopter purchases

The armed conflict with left-wing radical groups in Colombia is one of the most protracted on the planet - 2014 marked 50 years since the beginning of its active phase.

War, drug trafficking, social problems seriously complicate the development of the armed forces and the defense-industrial complex. However, Colombia is not only successfully solving its internal problems and strengthening national security, but is also preparing to enter the international arms market.

Official armed forces...

The need to conduct military operations against drug traffickers and left-wing paramilitary groups determined the appearance of the Colombian armed forces. As of 2014, 281.4 thousand people served in them, of which 221.5 thousand belonged to the ground forces (ground forces), 46.15 thousand - to naval forces(Navy), 13.75 thousand – to air force(BBC). In addition, 159 thousand people were members of various government paramilitary organizations that are periodically involved in combat missions. The first echelon reserve consists of 61.9 thousand people (54.7 thousand are assigned to the Ground Forces, 4.8 thousand to the Navy, 1.2 thousand to the Air Force, another 1.2 thousand can be distributed among the branches and types troops depending on the assigned tasks).

Colombian ground forces are consolidated into one mechanized brigade (1st brigade), 7 light infantry brigades (2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8th brigades), three separate mobile battalions of internal troops, one battalion of forces special purpose, one group of rapid reaction forces (in total - four battalions).

The ground forces are supported by an army aviation division, a brigade of engineering troops, an electronic reconnaissance (ER) and warfare (EW) brigade, and two logistics and support brigades. The Army fleet in 2014 included 222 reconnaissance vehicles (119 EE-9 Cascavel, 6 M8 armored combat vehicles, 8 M8 with Tou anti-tank missile systems, 39 M1117, 50 VCL), 114 armored personnel carriers (28 M113A1, 26 M113A2, 56 EE-11 Urutu, 4 MRAP (Mine-Resistant Ambush-Protected) RG-31 Nyala. Artillery support is provided by 121 towed 105 caliber guns and 155 millimeters and 589 mortars of caliber 81, 107 and 120 millimeters. Anti-tank weapons consist of the TOU ATGM, the Israeli Spike-ER and the French Apilas, as well as M40A1 and M20 recoilless rifles . Air defense (air defense) is provided by 3 anti-aircraft missile systems (SAM) "Skyguard/Sparrow" (Skyguard/Sparrow) and 39 anti-aircraft guns. Army aviation is assigned to 21 transport aircraft, 3 electronic warfare aircraft, 132 helicopters (21 multi-purpose Mi-17 family and 111 military transport vehicles, including 55 rotorcraft of the UH-60/S-70 Blackhawk family).

The Colombian Navy consists of four German-made diesel-electric submarines (2 Type-209/1200 diesel-electric submarines and 2 Type-206A, which are classified as Pijao and Intrepido), four frigates of the "Almirante Padiia" (Almirante Padiia), 49 patrol ships and coastal ships, 13 landing ships, 20 support vessels. The number of personnel of the Colombian naval aviation is 146 people, and the equipment fleet includes 14 aircraft (3 maritime patrol, 1 aircraft Electronic warfare, 10 military-technical personnel) and 15 transport helicopters.

Colombia also has a Marine Corps (MCC) of 27 thousand people. It consists of a special forces brigade (currently being formed), a separate special forces battalion and two special river patrol groups. The main composition of the Marine Corps includes 4 marine brigades (1 for operations at sea and 3 for operations in the river area) and 2 support brigades (one is under formation). The KMP has 8 BTR-80A armored personnel carriers and 20 81 mm mortars.

Colombian Air Force personnel serve in 1 fighter, 6 attack, 2 electronic warfare, 1 maritime patrol, 3 military transport, 5 training, 6 helicopter squadrons. The aircraft fleet includes 88 aircraft and 99 helicopters. Another 62 aircraft and 60 helicopters are at the disposal of police units.

...and unofficial

Drug trafficking not only determines the criminal life of the country, but also has a serious impact on society. Therefore, the Colombian army pays special attention to the fight against it. The main drugs produced in Colombia are cocaine, marijuana and heroin. The production, transportation and distribution of drugs is concentrated in the hands of a few paramilitary organized crime groups (OCGs), designated “bandas criminales” or BACRIM. These include “Los Rastrojos” (1200–1500 active members), “Los Urabenos” (1200), “Oficina de Envigado” (almost destroyed in 2012), “ Aguilas Negras” (Aguilas Negras, 2000–4000), “Bloque Meta” (about 250). The formation of the organized crime group was attended by the remnants of several right-wing paramilitary groups, including the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia AUC (Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia).

Until the end of the 90s, the production and distribution of drugs in Colombia was distributed among four cartels - the Medellin cartel, the Northern Valley cartel, the North Coast cartel, and the Cali cartel. The most famous of them was Medellin, led by drug lord Pablo Escobar. All four cartels were practically destroyed by the early 2000s, and their remnants joined the Bandas Crimeans. A distinctive feature of the period of activity of the drug cartels is their significant penetration into the public life of Colombia. In particular, Pablo Escobar, who allocated significant sums for the construction of low-cost housing, hospitals, schools and stadiums, was the idol of Colombian youth from the lower social strata in the late 80s, and in the city of Medellin he enjoyed considerable popularity even after his death in December 1993 .

Left-wing radical paramilitary groups are still active in Colombia, the most influential and numerous of which are the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia - the Army of the People FARC-EP (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia - Ejercito del Pueblo). Although the US State Department designated the FARC-EP in the early 2000s terrorist organizations, its followers continue to consider themselves an armed political party of the Marxist-Leninist persuasion. FARC-EP is closely linked to the Bandas Crimeales and is actively involved in the production, distribution and sale of drugs both in Colombia and abroad. The number of FARC-EP in 2013 was estimated by experts at 8–10 thousand people, of which more than half actively took part in operations. The Colombian government negotiates peace with the organization, which is periodically violated by the rebels.

Another major left-wing paramilitary group is the National Liberation Army ELN (Ejercito de Liberacion Nacional). The difference between its ideology and that professed by the FARC-EP is the combination of Marxist-Leninist ideas and Christian liberation theology. The organization is designated as a terrorist organization by both the United States and the European Union. Just as in the case of the FARC-EP, the main opponents of the ELN are the Colombian government forces and right-wing armed organizations. The number of ELN in 2013 was estimated at two to three thousand people; the percentage of active members of the group is unknown. After collaboration and then clashes with the FARC-EP in the late 1990s and early 2000s, the ELN leadership sent a letter to the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia offering cooperation. At the moment, the process of uniting the groups has been slowed down.

The third significant left-wing armed rebel organization is the EPL People's Liberation Army (Ejercito Popular de Liberacion). However, after 1991, when a significant part of its membership was disbanded, the EPL essentially lost its relevance. Today the group has less than 200 active members.

On average, the annual losses of the armed forces and law enforcement agencies from the activities of terrorist organizations amount to up to 500 people killed and 1,500–2,000 wounded.

As of 2015, Colombian government forces have made significant progress. Colombia has dropped to third place in the world ranking of cocaine producers, behind Peru and Bolivia. According to experts, the main thing has been done in the fight against drug trafficking: the production, transportation and sale of drugs have become decentralized. Large cartels disappeared, and in their place fragmented “bandas criminales” appeared, often at odds with each other and unable to establish the entire sales cycle. As for left-wing radical paramilitary groups, drug trafficking has ceased to be their largest source of income, as a result of which their activity has decreased. For example, in 2013, EPL representative Ramon Serrano said that the group had stopped engaging in drug trafficking. At the same time, it is necessary to understand that the fighting in Colombia, which began back in 1964, has not stopped.

The Colombian military believes that a likely agreement with the FARC-EP will allow them to focus on combating drug crime, illegal mining, and the activities of international organized crime groups. In the fight against the latter, we will apply the experience accumulated by the military during the fight against the FARC-EP. One of the most effective tactics is the transportation of special forces with inflatable boats using Mi-17 helicopters. Special forces land on the river below the target. In the case of airborne landing, parachute jumps from a low altitude or descent of fighters along a cable are effective.

Photography from surveillance aircraft and satellite data provided by the United States, as well as information from FARC-EP defectors and other rebel groups, play a major role in intelligence gathering. Unmanned aerial vehicles are also used during reconnaissance, in particular the Hermes 450, Hermes 900, ScanEagle, and RQ-11B Raven. Currently being developed centralized system control to enhance the capabilities of the Hermes-900 UAV. According to the Colombian military, drones are used mainly to track the movements of rebels.

The main focus is on the fleet

Colombia is gradually developing a national defense industry. It is expected that the first nationally developed short-range radar will be demonstrated in 2016. It is designed for placement on aircraft and ground vehicles. Active work is underway in the field of various sensors.

One of the most important projects for the country is UAV. Colombia is currently developing two projects in this area. Drones will greatly facilitate the fight against insurgents and the destruction of drug production sites.

It is expected that the first product of Colombian defense exports will be patrol ships and river class vessels produced by the state scientific and technological organization COTECMAR. According to its head, Rear Admiral Jorge Moreno, COTECMAR is strengthening its capabilities in the naval field. The organization is currently focused on equipping the Colombian Coast Guard and Marine Corps with patrol vessels. The national navy includes four frigates acquired abroad, but the company hopes to build the class of ships in Colombia. The issue of cooperation with foreign partners is being explored, including with the Spanish Navantia, with which a memorandum of understanding has been signed. The first nationally produced frigate is expected to be delivered to the Colombian Navy in 2025.

The rear admiral noted that the COTECMAR organization is not a production organization, but is responsible for the development of science and technology. The main share of COTECMAR, about 99 percent, belongs to the state. The list of organization members includes the Colombian Navy, the country's Ministry of Defense, and a number of state universities.

According to Moreno, work is developing in three directions: the appearance of ships, studying the material part and setting up production, computer technology (including communications, control systems). COTECMAR consists of three production clusters. The first is focused on construction in the interests of the Colombian Navy. The second is responsible for the repair and maintenance of military ships, and the third is responsible for civilian ships. But all clusters are combined, dealing with defense and peace issues at the same time.

Since the founding of the COTECMAR organization, 94 different ships have been produced with its participation, mainly transferred to the Colombian Navy. Brazil acquired some of the equipment to equip the national navy and ground forces.

In Latin America, the river fleet plays a special role, Moreno emphasizes. Colombia borders on five countries - Ecuador, Venezuela, Brazil, Panama and Peru, but there are road connections only with the first two.

In the near future, Colombia should finalize plans for the purchase of frigates under the PES program, which will raise COTECMAR's activities to a new level. The current requirement involves the delivery of 8 ships of this class by 2035, and the organization has already developed the basic concepts of the ship. It is expected that the displacement of the new frigates will be about 4–5 thousand tons, while the level of process automation is expected to be quite high. The procurement plan will be finalized by the end of 2015. And even if a foreign company is involved in the program, the construction of frigates will still take place on Colombian territory.

One of COTECMAR's tasks is to create coastal patrol ships. The national Navy has already received two of these - ARC 20 "De Julio" and ARC 7 "De Agosto". The third ship of this class is expected to be delivered in 2017. Construction was carried out in Colombia under a German license. Italian engines, Swedish electronics and radar were selected for equipment. Spanish steel structures were used in construction. Ships can be equipped with sensors for scientific research. The project has prospects in the naval equipment market. For example, Brazil needs ships of this class to increase the combat capabilities of its ground forces and navy.

The Colombian Navy has acquired three CPV-46 patrol ships designed to protect coastal waters and combat drug trafficking. The first of them was launched in December 2014, a total of 17 such ships are expected to be delivered. Previously, the Colombian Navy received one CPV-40 purchased from Germany. But it is known about intentions to develop their own ships of this class.

The national armed forces are also equipped with BDA (Buque de Desembarco Anfibio) amphibious assault ships, the first of which was delivered to the Navy in 2014. The rear admiral informed about the existence of a contract for three such ships. Columbia will need eight BDAs to replace outdated examples of a similar class.

COTECMAR is working in the field of small green water ships. They are designed to fight insurgents and drug cartels on the rivers, while more capital ships“blue waters ships” - to perform combat missions on the high seas. The organization ensured the construction of eight PAF-P river patrol vessels. COTECMAR can also build PAF-L 307 patrol boats and high-speed LPRs. The Colombian Navy has so far received seven LPRs, with nine in various stages of production. Brazil has acquired four LPR boats.

Rear Admiral Moreno believes that patrol ships developed by COTECMAR can be in demand not only in Central and Latin America, but also in Africa and Southeast Asia.

The achievements of Colombia's defense industry will be presented at the international arms exhibition Expodefensa 2015, which will be held from November 30 to December 2 in Bogota. According to Roberto Restrepo, Director for International Business Development of the Colombian company that organized the Corferias exhibition, the official delegation of our country, Rosoboronexport and defense industry enterprises have been invited to participate. India, China, South Africa, Great Britain, Germany, the USA, Turkey, France, and South Korea are also expected to participate in Expodefense 2015.

Russia has something to offer

Russia is gradually developing military-technical cooperation with Colombia; from 1991 to 2014, it supplied military equipment worth $172 million. This data is provided by the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI).

The largest volume of supplies was achieved in 1997, when Colombia received Russian-made military products worth $68 million. The latest deliveries according to SIPRI date back to 2009. Then their volume amounted to 34 million dollars.

From military technical cooperation with Russia, Colombia received 25 helicopters of the Mi-8/Mi-17 family (10 Mi-17 in 1997, 6 Mi-17-1V in 2002, 4 (presumably) Mi-17V-5 in 2007 -m, 5 Mi-17V-5 - in 2009). For local assembly, 8 (approximately) vehicle sets of amphibious BTR-80 in a version adapted to Latin American conditions were delivered to the country.

Between 1991 and 2014, Bogota imported military goods worth $3.031 billion. Russia's share was 5.7 percent.

Colombia gave priority to the import of aviation equipment, the total value of which exceeded $2.17 billion. The second place in the structure of Bogota's defense imports was occupied by ships ($286 million), and the third by various sensors ($274 million). Next - missiles ($109 million), engines ($86 million), artillery ($43 million), armored vehicles ($37 million).

Russian helicopters are the favorite of the Colombian military. As the commander of the Army Aviation Corps of the country's armed forces, Brigadier General Emir Jimenez, said, special forces units fighting drug trafficking highly appreciate the combat qualities of the Mi-17: “These vehicles are one of the most important means of support in this type operations." The general especially noted the capacity of the Russian helicopter: “The Mi-17V-5 can take on board up to 24 soldiers in full equipment and quickly deliver them to the operation area. This is very important for one of the key principles of combat operations – fire superiority over the enemy.”

The Colombian Army Aviation Corps currently has a total of 23 helicopters of the Mi-17 family, including new modifications. “The Mi-17V-5 is one of the most efficient helicopters in the world. We are very pleased with him,” concluded Jimenez.

In the future, Bogota may increase the number of helicopters in the national armed forces, said the country's Defense Minister Juan Bueno. It is likely that Russian Mi-35 transport and combat helicopters and their modifications will be in demand among the Colombian military and police. They allow the landing of an air assault group and support it with fire on the spot. It was the combination of transport-landing and combat qualities that allowed the Mi-17 family of helicopters to win the love of the Colombian military. Perhaps the country will become the second after Brazil on the Latin American continent to use the most modern modification of the legendary Mi-24.