Where the wounded were evacuated from Leningrad. Historical reference. day of Leningrad. In a hungry loop

Although entry into Leningrad required special passes and permits, after the blockade was lifted and, especially, after the end of the war, evacuees began to return to the city and many conflict situations began to arise. But first, about the evacuation.
The evacuation from Leningrad went in three stages. The first stage began a couple of weeks after the start of the war and was carried out on trains, in normal long-distance cars, then in freight cars. It is impossible to talk about what rules and procedures were during the evacuation, who was recommended to leave, because the orders changed all the time. First, it was proposed to leave Leningrad to kindergartens, and parents whose children did not go to kindergartens, to register them in kindergartens, and send them to evacuation. Those groups that went east to different places, farther or closer from Leningrad, they left normally and there, more or less, they lived normally. But many were sent literally to meet the enemy. To Novgorod, to Staraya Russa, other cities near Leningrad, where the enemy was rapidly advancing. It is difficult to describe what happened at the same time, how confused the teachers were, how they lost their children and ran away on their own, and that's what happened. But many brought the children back. And then an order came out, the mothers were allowed to go for the children. Many went, found their children, someone did not find it, for everyone. At this time, in July-August, those who wanted to leave, and who had somewhere to go without evacuation, simply left. But it was difficult, because more trains were given for evacuation. Enterprises were leaving by decision of the Moscow and Leningrad authorities. And with enterprises, their attendants, that is, those working at enterprises and their families. There was also everyone who was allowed, who was not allowed, how much luggage, how many family members, who could go. We drove along railway in wagons. Each train carried several hundred people. This stage of the evacuation ended in September, when Leningrad was surrounded, fell into a blockade. People did not know the truth, they sat in line from the Moscow railway station along Ligovka, with luggage. They were waiting for the train to pass. Everything was very secret, no one really knew anything, it was impossible to ask anyone, because it seemed that there were spies around. So this evacuation was interrupted and many who wanted to leave remained in the blockade ring. The second stage began in the winter in January, they write that it was the twenty-fourth of January, but it seems to me that it began earlier. The evacuation was carried out on the ice of Lake Ladoga in cars. But how much a truck could take, ten, fifteen people. We drove trucks and cars. It was dangerous to drive, this line was all under fire. In addition, some cars fell through the ice, people died. January, February, March, April people were taken out along this single road. Permission to evacuate was very strictly limited and was issued in Smolny in the city committee of the party. They were allowed to go only on a call, to the families of some high-ranking military personnel, and, of course, by acquaintance. And they broke through there to Smolny by hook or by crook. Of course, a truck is not a train car; it won’t take much away.
And the third stage was when navigation through Lake Ladoga was opened. They were already taken out by barges. The barge could accommodate many hundreds of people. And then the government of Leningrad was highly recommended to mothers and relatives to take away all the children. Then the elderly and the sick were allowed to go. They were waiting for a new attack on Leningrad and wanted to take out the ballast - people who could not or did not want to work. And then, already in August, when all the children and the elderly were taken out, they offered to evacuate all women who want to leave, and the directors of enterprises - to let such women leave their jobs, because at that time, permission from the directorate was needed to quit their jobs. In order to leave Leningrad, in addition to the last stage, it was necessary to make quite a lot of effort, collect certificates, obtain permission, check out at Zhakt, etc.
At the end of the summer of 1942, there was a complete division of Leningraders into two parts, those who were evacuating, leaving Leningrad and remaining in the city. It was allowed to leave for all women who wanted to, regardless of what they were wearing. family relationships are. Calls to leave were not needed. Here, all women who wanted to leave were allowed to leave. And everyone decided this future fate in their own way. It was an independent decision for everyone to leave or stay. Many left to save their children, or the remnants of their families, or fearing new winter, a repetition of the first military winter, fearing cold, hunger, fearing the explosion of shells and bombs, and a very difficult life that was coming again. It was already heavy, but in winter it would be even worse. Freelance men could also leave, but there were very few of them in Leningrad. Of course, the evacuation was also not sweet for many. Everyone's life was different and very much depended on the circumstances of the departure. Whether people traveled with their own enterprise, that was one thing, whether they got a job there at their own enterprise or at another. Whether they were traveling with or without families. Were there enough people in these families who could work and feed their families? Where did they get to the city or the village. Many went to the villages and were engaged in rural labor there. At the same time, the atmosphere and life of each person changed. We must not forget that the evacuees lived during the war in Leningrad from a month to a year, and in evacuation for 3-4 years. And of course they also somehow adapted. Those who remained, remained by their own decision. I can speak for myself. There was a choice. Firstly, my parents showered me with letters: come, come, come. They were in Uzbekistan in the small town of Margelan, there was a silk factory where my father worked. And he wrote that I will have there good job so I had somewhere to go. Secondly, my brother arranged for me to be transferred to Kronstadt, to a military unit, as a civilian chemist. I already wrote about it. In Leningrad, my rooms were not adapted to housing, the windows were broken and there was no suitable stove. I had to make some arrangements if I were to stay next winter. We did not know what kind of winter it would be, cold or not. I somehow thought less about food, because I received a work card, at the very least it was possible to live on it, although I was hungry. We were left without electricity, without gas, without sewerage, without running water, with partial transport - there were only a few tram routes. But this is not the main thing. Of course, it was possible to compare life in evacuation and in Leningrad, here and there, how much bread they get, what the temperature is in the rooms, and so on. But one thing separated them from us, they lived and worked in a zone that was not subjected to shelling and bombing. All the years and months of the war they did not know about it, being in the evacuation. We lived and worked in a zone with shelling, all 24 hours to the sound of a metronome, almost every day to the sound of a siren, when the alarm was announced not in the city, because it could drag on for God knows how long, but in the districts. The metronome began to beat rapidly and a voice was heard over the loudspeaker: “The area is under artillery fire, stop traffic along the streets, take shelter for the population.” There was nowhere to hide. I worked at the State Institute of Chemistry in a two-story building, when shells hit the building, they exploded both on the first and second floors, breaking through the roof and ceiling, or two ceilings. But in the summer of 1942, I still did not know where I would live. Where I later got a job, in a very good place in the GIPC residential building on the top floor under a roof. The house was also shelled. So all 24 hours I was in the firing zone. But that was not the worst.

When the question was being decided whether to leave or not to leave, for me the most terrible danger was: in the event of an offensive by German troops on Leningrad, it was so as not to fall into the clutches of the Nazis.
We spoke to the Germans, but now it is inconvenient to say to the Germans, let's say to the Nazis. Because I would be hung on the first bitch, as a Jewess and as a Komsomol member. And I understood this very well. It was the worst. And yet. Nevertheless, I firmly decided to stay in Leningrad. I believe that this decision was the only heroic one during the war. And the people who decided to stay in Leningrad did heroic deeds. Why did I stay? There is only one reason. My own conscience kept me here. Only my own conscience did not allow me to leave to escape, to save my own skin, while others would be under shells, in the cold, in hunger, in terrible conditions, to work, providing the Leningrad Front with uniforms and products necessary for the war. This conscience told me that I could only leave Leningrad for the front. I also refused to be transferred to Kronstadt because it did little. Here I still worked in my specialty, an unskilled girl could not replace me. Therefore, it was wise not to touch. And I decided to stay in besieged Leningrad no matter what.
We must not forget that we, those who remained, worked all the time, while those who were leaving were fussing about documents and the right to leave. Many, by hook or by crook, sometimes left without any permits across the icy road by agreement with car drivers, but they were few. In January-February-March, it was necessary to get permission through Smolny, through the Leningrad City Party Committee. At this time, while they were upholstering the thresholds, we were working. In February, our small organization worked, releasing red streptocide - a medicine for the front. And since March they have been working continuously, first to clean up the city and then at their own enterprises. In the third period of departure in the summer of 1942, we were overwhelmed with work, I talked about this, during the day at the enterprises, then for the development of specialties, on Sunday in the gardens, and in August all Sundays on the demolition of wooden houses - procuring fuel. In some of the remaining hours, whoever could, worked in the gardens, equipped premises in their personal homes. We didn't have a break, we worked. Those who left, fussed about leaving, and we worked. Throughout the war, throughout the blockade, we worked. Despite all the conditions for frost, for alarms, for shells, for the life to which we have adapted. We worked. It was the foundation of our life. Work for the front.

This work of the Leningraders, in the 42nd, 43rd and beyond, the government noted by the fact that at the end of the 42nd year a decree was issued to award the Leningraders with a medal for participating in the heroic defense of Leningrad, residents of Sevastopol, Odessa, Stalingrad were also awarded.
It was very easy to distinguish the working, remaining Leningraders from those who left, despite the efforts of the latter, as if there was no difference between us, it was very easy to separate them according to documents. Firstly, at that time there was a stamp in the passport about work in Leningrad, then stamps were put in the passport, then there was an entry in work book. It was then impossible to work without a work book, it was not allowed. And the work book recorded where you work, at what time, when you were hired, when you were fired, the name of the enterprise and position. Enterprises sent lists of those who needed to be awarded, working in 1942-43, to the district executive committees, and there documents on the award were drawn up and medals were issued for almost the entire 1943 year.
The war ended and evacuees began to arrive in Leningrad. Leningrad still remained a closed city. It was impossible to just come to it, register and get a job. We needed a call from Leningrad. When summoned, certificates should have been attached stating that the person in question had previously lived in Leningrad, had a living space and this living space was free. In addition, there were some other conditions for coming to Leningrad. For example, it was suggested that those who give commitments to work, it seems, for two years in scarce professions, they were given a challenge. One way or another, by hook or by crook former Leningraders returned. Arriving in the city, they behaved very actively, but it was impossible otherwise. The first thing they needed was to recapture their living space. Often the living space of the evacuees was occupied, or liquidated, or given away according to the law, according to orders, or simply inhabited without permission, or most often sold by management farms to new tenants. Rooms in communal apartments often had to be recaptured by the courts. If this area was claimed by two former evacuees from Leningrad and re-entered, even by law having received warrants from the housing departments, then the court decided in favor of the former owners who arrived. One of my friends lost her husband during the war, he died of starvation, she had two children, and their house was bombed, although her room was untouched, but still she lost everything. She moved three times and was left homeless. The first time she just moved into a spare room in the apartment where her friends lived, and then she received a warrant twice and was evicted twice, former tenants came there. It ended up that she fenced off part of the hallway in a communal apartment, leaving only a narrow passage, placed a bed and a bedside table there, and lived there for about a year. She slept on the bed with her daughter and her son slept with relatives. So she lived for almost a year, and then she got a room, creepy, in the form of a pencil case, where at the end of one wall there was a window that did not even illuminate the whole room, and so she lived until she left for another world.
Other causes of microwars were familial. Many needed to return their husbands, who had already created another family. If in the first case the issue was resolved in the direction of the former evacuees, then here it ended in different ways. Did the men stay new family, or went to old wives. I don't know what was more. But at that time, for a divorce, in addition to the consent of both parties, it was necessary to place an advertisement in the newspaper. Entire pages in the newspapers were filled with these divorce announcements. I don't know how the courts handled it. In addition, those who arrived had to get a job. And this could be done only after registration. And many could get a residence permit only after the courts.
If visitors before the war had a whole apartment, there were few of them, but there were big families, who lived in separate apartments, or had two or three rooms, then all the same, several rooms were taken away and left to them alone. In general, there was something to fight for. In addition, of course, those who left and arrived with the enterprise and remained there to work were lucky. But all this was shaken up over the course of several post-war years.

The evacuation is one of the most memorable and painful pages in the history of besieged Leningrad. Five days after the start of the war, on June 27, 1941, by decision of the bureau of the city committee and the regional committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, the Leningrad City Evacuation Commission was created. Three weeks later, or rather on July 14, 1941, the plans of the German command to rapidly capture Leningrad became known. This was reported in the report of the NKVD of the USSR to the Chief of the General Staff of the Red Army Georgy Zhukov.

The evacuation commission had to do a colossal amount of work related to the removal of institutions, equipment, enterprises, military cargo and cultural property, as well as the population, especially children. And this is in conditions when a stream of refugees poured into the city from areas under the threat of occupation (from Karelia, the Baltic states, and later from Leningrad region).

A month before the start of the blockade, the entire population of the city was divided into those who wanted to leave as soon as possible, and those who wanted to stay in Leningrad. Some did not want to leave their relatives who remained in the city, others feared for their property, others considered it their patriotic duty to remain in their native city. Finally, the majority simply doubted that they would be better off in the outback, without any definite prospects, without housing, far from relatives and friends.

However, the evacuation began. The children left first. Already on June 29, 1941, the first batch was sent by ten echelons - 15 thousand 192 children with schools and children's institutions. In total, it was planned to take 390 thousand children to the Yaroslavl and Leningrad regions. True, about 170 thousand children returned to the city very soon, since fascist troops were rapidly approaching the south of the Leningrad region, where they were placed.

little known fact: paradoxical as it may seem, but the parents and persons replacing them had to bear the financial expenses for ensuring the evacuation of children and adolescents, as well as for their further stay in children's institutions in the rear. This order was observed both before the blockade of the city, and after the blockade ring around Leningrad closed. In the article Petersburg historian, candidate of sciences Anastasia Zotova“On the collection of fees for the evacuation of children from besieged Leningrad”, with reference to the Central State Archive of St. Petersburg, documents and resolutions of the blockade time are analyzed, from which it follows that the collection Money all the blockade years were regularly collected from parents, and for this purpose special commissions were created, which monthly reported on the collected amounts until 1944. Parents were temporarily exempted from payments if they left Leningrad and their whereabouts were not established. Only the export and provision of children who did not have parents and guardians was fully funded by the state.

The evacuation of the adult population took place later. Until mid-August 1241, it was planned to evacuate 1 million 600 thousand people, but before the onset of the land blockade, only 636 thousand 203 people managed to leave, according to the City Evacuation Commission, including almost 150 thousand residents of the region and refugees from the Baltic states.

When the Road of Life was opened, the evacuation continued by water through Lake Ladoga. In total, by the end of navigation in 1941, about 33,500 people were evacuated from the besieged city by water.

“The opening of the Ladoga route gave many Leningraders hope for salvation,” says blockade survivor Lidia Alexandrovna Vulman-Fyodorova. “The crossing on Ladoga moved us to a magical land with bread, porridge and other dishes, although the evacuation itself was under fire, during which people also died.”

This navigation claimed hundreds of lives. During storms and bombings, 5 tugboats and 46 barges sank. Most great sacrifices among the people evacuated were September 18 and November 4. In the first case, a barge sank, and in the second, it was bombed patrol ship. Both ships were transported to mainland hundreds of Leningraders, of which about 500 people died.

This is how the blockade survivor Lev Nikolaevich Krylov, born in 1935, recalls the bombing of ships and his failed evacuation: “In the early summer, they tried to take us with the boarding school along Ladoga to the mainland. On the shore, everyone was given a “fabulous” package with rations: a roll, crackers, cookies, even a chocolate bar! We were warned that there is a lot at once - it is dangerous. I followed my brother Yura, and he was capricious and asked not to interfere. After sailing, a storm broke out. Many children became ill, they were sick. The bombing started. For some reason, we were not afraid, rather interesting. When a bomb hit the head steamer, our ship turned back, and the evacuation did not take place.

In the autumn, before frost set in and the ice on Ladoga got stronger, the evacuation was almost interrupted. By December 1941, the first peak of mortality was recorded in the city - about 50 thousand Leningraders. And already in January, this figure was doubled: according to a secret certificate from the Leningrad city registry office, in the first month of 1942, 101,825 people died in the city.

By the end of January, evacuation became almost the only chance to escape from certain death. Leningraders who left the city sold their things for next to nothing, just to leave as soon as possible. By this time the city had turned into a huge market. Hundreds of ads on the walls of houses announced an urgent sale of valuables, books, paintings, furniture, clothing and luxury items that many families still had from pre-revolutionary times.

Those leaving were in dire need of funds. From the conversations and rumors that circulated in the city, they knew that money, vodka, tobacco, or valuables were needed to safely leave the city, overcome the deadly path through Lake Ladoga, and survive in a new place. So they sold everything that they could not take with them. “The city is full of announcements: “for sale, changing”, the city is a solid market; things, especially furniture, cost pennies, ”Leningrad architect Esfir Gustavovna Levina wrote in her diary.

In total, during the winter and early spring of 1942, according to official data, 554 thousand 186 people were evacuated over the ice. And after the opening of navigation in May 1942 and until August, when the evacuation was basically over, there were still more than 432 thousand people. After that, the flow of evacuees dropped sharply. The wounded, the sick, the last remaining orphanages in the city left.

No one counted how many people survived after they got out of the besieged city. This data simply does not exist. Leningraders were dying in trains, at distribution points, in hospitals. Weakened from hunger, with dystrophy and other ailments, many could not survive the hardships of the road in the conditions of war and confusion. People even died from the fact that after many months of hunger they received plenty of food.

For the entire period of evacuation, namely from June 29, 1941 to December 17, 1943, according to archival documents of the Leningrad City Evacuation Commission, 1 million 763 thousand 129 people were evacuated from Leningrad, including residents of the Leningrad region and the Baltic republics.

Since then and until today, many Leningraders continue to search for their loved ones who were lost during the evacuation process. " There were nine of us, children, with mom and dad - small and small less, - says the blockade survivor Alevtina Alexandrovna Startseva, born in 1938. - Some of my sisters and brothers ended up in orphanages after the evacuation of pioneer camps. In December 1942, my mother and I were evacuated to Omsk. There my brother and I went to kindergarten, and my mother and sister, a ninth-grader, got a job at a factory.

By the end of the war, our mother found all the children who disappeared in 1941. With my sister Nadia, she is 8 years older than me, there was an amazing story. She had already been adopted, but her mother was given the address where she lived. When my mother arrived there, foster mother Nadia said: “Let's agree on who Nadia will approach, and she will stay with that. She lived the whole war with us, we love her.” When mother and this woman entered the room, Nadya threw herself on our mother's neck and shouted: "Mommy!" With whom she will stay, the question no longer arose.

But there are also those Leningraders who were evacuated along with children's institutions and did not find their parents, brothers and sisters after the war. Until now, some of them are looking for their loved ones. Moreover, it is in Last year there was a chance to find people lost many years ago, since the scattered archives were brought together, while others were declassified. Project “Siege of Leningrad. Evacuation" was launched on April 27, 2015. This is a single information database on the inhabitants of Leningrad, evacuated from the city during the years of the blockade, which continues to be updated with new archival data and allows you to independently search for information.

Here's what she said Senior Inspector of the Archival Committee of St. Petersburg Elizaveta Zvereva, who participated in the project from the first days: “There are already cases when it was thanks to the Evacuation database that citizens managed to confirm the fact of their stay in the besieged city and, accordingly, apply for the badge “Inhabitant of besieged Leningrad” and relying social benefits. Specific example was quite recently: the woman was 21 years old at the beginning of the war, and she had just given birth to a daughter. She claimed that she was evacuated from Leningrad with her daughter in 1942, and complained that she still could not confirm the fact of the evacuation. She lived during the war on Khersonskaya Street, then it was the Smolninsky District, and until recently, all inquiries received a negative answer. Now we have the opportunity to search the combined database. And we got results right away! It turned out that the woman and her daughter had been evacuated from an enterprise in the Vyborg district where her brother worked. That's why they were listed there."

According to Elizabeth Zvereva, the creation of the database has not yet been completed, it takes place in several stages. First of all, documents on the evacuated citizens from the archives of the district administrations were transferred to the Central State Archive. In most cases, these are files. Unfortunately, in a number of districts, such as Kurortny and Kronstadt, file cabinets were not kept. In such cases, the only source of information is the lists of evacuees, filled out by hand, often in illegible handwriting, and poorly preserved. And in the Petrogradsky, Moskovsky, Kirovsky, Krasnoselsky and Kolpinsky districts, documents have not been preserved at all, which greatly complicates the search. However, work on the project continues and every day everything more people find documents for themselves and loved ones. From April 27, 2015 to the end of September 2016, more than 39,000 people have already used this database.

Tatyana Trofimova

Your attention is invited to an article about the activities of the Soviet government to evacuate the population from Leningrad at the first stage of the Great Patriotic War. The article details the essence of the issue. The purpose of the publication is to repulse various liberal, anti-Soviet speculations about the blockade of Leningrad.

Bulletin of the Leningrad University, 1958, No. 8.

The heroic defense of Leningrad from the Nazi invaders went down in the history of the Great Patriotic War as one of the brightest pages of the steadfastness and selfless courage of the Soviet people. The heroism and selflessness of the people of Leningrad are an example of the devotion of the Soviet people to their Motherland and Communist Party.

In the Great Patriotic War, Leningrad withstood the most difficult trials. The working people of the city showed heroism unparalleled in history.

The German command gave great importance the capture of Leningrad, the largest industrial and cultural center THE USSR. “The Finns claim the Leningrad Region,” Hitler said. Level Leningrad to the ground in order to then give it to the Finns ”(1). Such a fate was prepared for Leningrad in the plans of the fascist invaders. The fulfillment of this task would allow the Nazis to reign supreme not only in the Baltic Sea, but throughout the entire north-west of Europe.

To capture the Baltic states and Leningrad, the fascist German command formed the Army Group "North". These armies launched an offensive on June 22, after 7 days they occupied Riga and on July 9: they reached the northern outskirts of Pskov. On July 15, German tanks were already in the area of ​​Soltsy and Narva.

In the second half of August, the Germans concentrated an army of 300,000 near Leningrad. This army was armed with 6,000 guns, 19,000 machine guns, 4,500 mortars, 1,000 tanks and 1,000 combat aircraft (2).

At the same time, the Finnish army, consisting of 16 divisions (3), went on the offensive against Leningrad. On September 7, the enemy captured the city of Shlisselburg and blockaded Leningrad. A huge city with a large population, plants and factories was cut off from the main economic base of the country.

In connection with the blockade of Leningrad, in addition to the tasks of defending the city, the most difficult tasks arose of evacuating the population and supplying the city; food and fuel. The solution of these tasks was carried out under the leadership of the party and Soviet organizations.

This article highlights only one issue - the evacuation of the population of Leningrad.

The evacuation of the population can be conditionally divided into three periods, each of which has its own chronological framework and its own characteristics.

From the very first days of the Great Patriotic War, as a result of the unfolding hostilities, the population began to arrive from the front line. For the organized reception and evacuation of arriving citizens from Leningrad, by the decision of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR on June 30, 1941, a city evacuation center was created in Leningrad.

The functions of the city evacuation center, located in the building along the Griboedov Canal, d. No. 6, in the first period were reduced to accounting for all arriving citizens. Then these functions expanded significantly: the evacuation center took over the provision of food and housing for the population, provided them with material assistance, and processed documents for further evacuation into the interior of the country.

To receive the population arriving in Leningrad and evacuate it from the city, seven evacuation centers were subsequently organized: at the Moscow, Finland, Baltic and Vitebsk stations, in the Leningrad port, at the stations of Moscow sorting and Kushelevka.

Hostels were created in the buildings of schools to accommodate and temporarily accommodate the population who arrived in the city.

If in the first period, before the blockade, dormitories were located in only seven schools: at 46 and 87 Ligovskaya Street, 13 Rubinshteina Street, 15 Goncharnaya Street, 38 Moika Street, 59 Zhukovsky Street and 20 Lesnoy Avenue, then in connection with the blockade, the population who arrived in the city found themselves shelter in 42 schools.

The evacuated population from the Karelian-Finnish, Estonian and Latvian republics, the Leningrad region, as well as families of military personnel from the front line came to the city evacuation center. These citizens had no shelter, lost all their property, and therefore were in a particularly difficult situation.

The military commandant's office of the city contributed to the evacuation of the population not registered in Leningrad. Before the blockade of Leningrad, 147,500 people were evacuated by vehicles into the interior of the country through the city evacuation center. In addition, 9,500 people were transported on foot. The latter escorted livestock and property to the rear (4).

The approach of the front threatened especially children. The question of saving children was specially considered by the Soviet government. The government proposed to the Executive Committee of the Leningrad Soviet of Working People's Deputies to take 400,000 children out of Leningrad. On July 2, 1941, the Executive Committee of the Lensoviet outlined specific measures for the deportation of 400,000 children of preschool and school age (5).

Seven days after the start of the war, a planned evacuation was organized not only for children, but also for the adult population. The evacuation took place with the help of the administration of factories, evacuation centers and the city railway station. By August 7, 311,387 children had been evacuated from Leningrad to the Udmurt, Bashkir and Kazakh republics, Yaroslavl, Kirov, Vologda, Sverdlovsk, Omsk, Perm and Aktobe regions (6).

The dispersal of evacuated children was mainly carried out in remote areas. Nevertheless, many city children ended up in the regions of the Leningrad Region, which were soon occupied by the Nazi troops.

For a more successful and planned removal of the population along the roads of the Leningrad railway junction, the Executive Committee of the Leningrad City Council at the beginning of September 1941 made a decision to create a central evacuation center, to which the district points under the Executive Committees of the District Councils were subordinated. The evacuation centers of the district councils kept records of children and persons accompanying them according to lists compiled by house administrations. These lists gave the right to purchase railway tickets, the free sale of which was terminated in early September at all stations in Leningrad.

Evacuation was carried out by rail, highway and country roads. The evacuated population of the Karelian Isthmus was sent along the Peskarevskaya road and the right bank of the Neva, bypassing Leningrad. For him, by decision of the Leningrad City Council, near the hospital. Mechnikov at the end of August 1941, a food station was organized. Medical care and veterinary supervision of livestock were established at the place of convoy parking.

The hard way without hot food exhausted people. Many of them have been on the move for more than 30 days. It was especially hard for the children. It can be seen from the Lengorzdravtdel's survey that on August 21 alone, 15 children with dysentery were identified (7).

The approach of the front made evacuation more and more difficult. Often the echelons came under the bombing of enemy aircraft and stood idle for a long time due to the destroyed track and transport.

On August 27, railway communication with the country was completely interrupted: on September 8, the enemy, having captured Shlisselburg, reached the southern shore of Lake Ladoga; thereby the railways and country roads were completely cut. This ended the first period of evacuation.

Thus, the planned evacuation of the population began on June 29 and continued until September 6, 1941 inclusive. During this time, 706,283 people were evacuated, including factories evacuated 164,320 people, district councils - 401,748 people, evacuation centers - 117,580 people and the city railway station - 22,635 people (8).

In October and November 1941, the evacuation of the population of Leningrad took place by water - through Lake Ladoga. During this time, 33,479 people were transferred to the rear. At the end of November 1941, the evacuation of the population by air began. By the end of December of the same year, 35,114 people had been airlifted (9).

The total number of evacuees during the first period was 774,876 people. In the second period, the evacuation of the population from besieged Leningrad was carried out along the highway - across Lake Ladoga.

The motor road began behind the Okhtensky bridge and went to Ladoga along the old highway. Having passed on the ice of the lake, she was heading to the forests - north of the railway. Bypassing Tikhvin, in which the Germans were, the highway went to the Zaborovye station. With great difficulty, hundreds of kilometers were transported through narrow clearings.

On November 16, 1941, the first company of the road regiment entered the construction of an ice track across Lake Ladoga. With great effort, the work was completed in a short time, and the horse-drawn transport moved across the ice. On the road were traffic controllers and wayfarers to clear the way from the snow. Through certain sections of the path, tents were stretched and ice shelters were arranged from the weather. Warm dugouts were equipped on the islands closest to the road. Lighted lanterns stood every two hundred meters on the highway at night. Anti-aircraft guns guarded the route from enemy air raids. The nearest distance from the road to the forward edge of the front was 10 km. This circumstance made it possible for the enemy to constantly conduct artillery shelling of the route.

On November 22, several dozen cars passed through for the first time Ladoga ice. On the eastern shore of the lake were warehouses of bread, meat, potatoes, sugar, butter, salt and tobacco. In addition, ammunition, equipment, weapons and medicines were waiting to be sent to Leningrad.

To save the civilian population of Leningrad and the army from starvation, all this had to be transported across the ice track.

People with their families and alone were drawn from Leningrad to the Finland Station. Family members who retained the ability to move carried homemade sledges with baskets and knots.

By rail, Leningraders were transported to the western shore of Lake Ladoga. Then the evacuees had to overcome an exceptionally difficult path along the ice road to the village of Kabon.

Cars with people constantly came under fire. The ice road was systematically destroyed. E. Fedorov describes one of the episodes of the crossing as follows: “... ice broke under the running car, and people plunged into ice water. The travel fighters rushed into the hole and caught everyone. In clothes caught in the cold, frozen in an ice shell, they delivered the rescued to the heating tent ”(10).

A few days later, an incident occurred when the car crashed into a crack at full speed. “Women and children,” E. Fedorov wrote about this incident, “find themselves in icy water. Sergeant Shafransky and traffic controllers ran to the screams of dying people. Comrade Shafransky quickly took off his sheepskin coat and ... jumped into the icy water. He bravely began to dive and pull the choking children out of the water and saved all the children” (11). After that, the children were seated in a car that arrived in time and taken to a heating tent.

To speed up the movement, the graders raked the snow day and night. The resulting cracks and holes in the ice from air bombs and shells often had to be sealed with wooden flooring.

The people serving the track showed unparalleled dedication. Thousands of traffic controllers, sweepers, EPRON workers and doctors lived on the ice for several months without a shift under bombing, shelling, in bad weather. Hero drivers appeared on the "road of life", making two, three and even four trips in one shift.

The driver, E. V. Vasiliev, made eight trips in 48 hours of continuous work on the car. During this time, he traveled 1029 km and transported 12 tons of cargo. Then Vasiliev began to make three flights per shift daily (12).

Drivers Kondrin and Gontarev made four trips in each shift. Often they alone had to save cars and cargo. “Once an enemy shell,” wrote A. Fadeev, “lit a barn where Kondrin’s car was parked. Kondrin ran into the burning barn and, jumping into a car with tanks full of gasoline, led it out of the barn. And in another case, his car fell into the water, and in a twenty-degree frost he pulled the load out of the water onto the ice until he saved the entire load. He was picked up by his comrades, all icy and unconscious, but, having slept off and warmed up, he continued to perform four flights daily ”(13).

The sunken cargo was retrieved from under the ice. A diver pulled out of the water was instantly covered with ice, and the diving suit could only be removed from the diver in a heating tent.

Thanks to the courage and selflessness of the Soviet people, work on the ice track improved every day.

The decisive role in increasing and accelerating the flow of goods to Leningrad was played by the military successes of the Soviet troops. The Soviet army at that time dealt a decisive blow to the enemy and on December 9, 1941 liberated Tikhvin. In battles from December 18 to 25, Soviet troops defeated enemy groups in the areas of the Volkhov and Voybokalo stations and liberated the Tikhvin-Volkhov railway.

After the liberation of Tikhvin from the Nazi invaders, the trans-lake section of the road was significantly reduced. Shortening the route accelerated the delivery of goods and greatly facilitated the conditions for the evacuation of the population.

During the evacuation of the population along the ice track of Lake Ladoga, great tasks were assigned to the employees of the Lenavtotrans trust. The management and technical staff of the trust, together with the directors of the fleets, were charged with the duty to carefully check the technical condition of the vehicles. It was also necessary to check the degree of training and practical skills of drivers of vehicles mobilized by the district military registration and enlistment offices and the Leningrad city police. Under the conditions of blockade and famine, organizing the uninterrupted work of the Lenavtotrans trust was far from an easy task. The employees of the trust, overcoming enormous difficulties, nevertheless achieved great success in transporting people. However, there were cases when the management of Lenavtotrans did not ensure the implementation of the transportation plan.

So, on January 22, 1942, instead of 50 buses, only 40 buses entered the line. Of these, 29 cars reached their destination - Zhikharevo station, 11 cars were out of order before reaching Lake Ladoga. The remaining passengers had to be transported around the city in cars to warm rooms.

Soviet and party organizations took decisive measures to eliminate shortcomings in the work of transport. In his letter to the city prosecutor, the deputy chairman of the Leningrad City Executive Committee Comrade. On this occasion, Reshkin wrote on February 2, 1942: “As a result of such a criminal attitude to the task assigned, about 300 passengers froze in 35-40 ° frost, of which there were many children” (14). The case was referred to the investigating authorities to bring the perpetrators to justice. To detain vehicles coming from Leningrad empty, by decision of the Military Council of the Leningrad Front, control posts were established at the corner of Kommuny Street and Ryabovskoye Highway and at the corner of Kommuny Street and Krasin Street. The detained cars followed people to the Zvyozdochka cinema, where an evacuation center was organized, where the evacuees were boarded.

It should be noted that during the construction of the ice track, before the start of the mass evacuation of the population (January 22, 1942), 36,118 people were evacuated through Lake Ladoga by marching order and unorganized transport (15).

Only a few could get on direct scheduled cars from Leningrad to the place of loading into the wagons. Most of the population was evacuated in two steps, with a transfer. First of all, it was necessary to get to the Finlyandsky railway station and travel by train to the western shore of Lake Ladoga. This section of the journey was comparatively easy. It was much more difficult to wait in line for a car and cross Lake Ladoga in the face of systematic bombing and shelling. The end points of the exhausting journey were the stations of Zhikharevo, Lavrovo and Kabona. At each of the three stations there were evacuation centers with warm rooms and food for people. From here, the evacuees were sent to the deep rear.

The question of the evacuation of the population from Leningrad was considered in State Committee defense, in the decision of which it was proposed to take out 500,000 people along the ice track (16).

Fulfilling this decision, party and Soviet organizations In Leningrad, in early December 1941, evacuation centers were organized at the Finland Station, Borisova Griva, Zhikharevo, Voybokalo, Lavrovo and Kabona.

Beginning on December 3, 1941, evacuation trains with Leningraders began to arrive at Borisov Griva. Two trains arrived daily. The evacuation center did not have equipped premises, and therefore people were placed among the local population, 30-40 people per room.

Later, a tent city was created in the village of Vaganovo to warm the evacuees. The town consisted of 40 tents and could accommodate up to 2,000 people (17).

The arrival of evacuation trains, cars and horses with people was uneven. Covered buses sent from Leningrad, as already mentioned, were in poor technical condition and only in small numbers reached Borisova Griva. The evacuation center had to pick up stranded people, heat and feed them.

Sometimes Borisov Griva received 6 echelons per day. The unloading of people was carried out by wagon and, as a rule, depending on the approach of vehicles. Later in warm days Simultaneous unloading of the entire echelon was practiced. This made it possible to reduce the downtime of wagons under unloading and to speed up the delivery of empty cars to the station.

The Borisov Griva evacuation center had three loading bays with directions to Kabona, Lavrovo and Zhikharevo. The landing of people from the sites to the vehicles was carried out exclusively by the dispatching apparatus, and, as a rule, large families, the sick and children were placed on the buses, and all the rest were placed in open vehicles. After boarding the vehicles, the checkpoint of the border troops of the NKVD checked the documents of the evacuees.

12 people with things got on the one and a half ton GAZ-A car, and from 22 to 25 people got on the bus.

From December 2, 1941 to April 15, 1942, 502,800 people arrived in Borisova Griva (18). A significantly smaller part of the evacuees passed by passing cars and walked along the Ladoga highway to Zhikharevo, Kabona and Lavrovo without entering Borisova Griva. The most massive evacuation took place in March and April 1942, when the transport of the ice route worked most clearly. During the same time, 45% of the evacuees were sent from Borisov Griva to Zhikharevo and Voybokalo to the total number of those who arrived, to Lavrovo - 30% and Kabona - 25% (19).

During the first period of mass evacuation along the ice road, the evacuation center in Borisova Griva encountered great difficulties: vehicles for transporting people across the lake did not arrive there regularly. On this issue, the Military Council of the Leningrad Front took a number of specific measures, after which the supply of vehicles improved. Cars began to regularly enter the sites of the evacuation center for loading. This, in turn, led to a decrease in idle echelons. Some motor battalions and the NKVD convoy worked especially well.

In addition to the transport of the military highway, the evacuated Leningraders were transported by buses of the Moscow and Leningrad columns. They had at their disposal up to 80 vehicles, with the help of which they transported up to 2500 people a day, despite the fact that a large number of machines broke down daily (20).

At the cost of enormous strain on the moral and physical strength of drivers and commanders military units, the motor transport completed the task assigned to it. In March 1942, transportation reached about 15,000 people per day (21).

The personnel of the evacuation center in Borisova Griva consisted of 120 people. The evacuation work was organized around the clock. Together with canteen workers and police officers, the Borisov Griva evacuation center consisted of 224 people, including medical personnel - 29 people (22).

The mass evacuation of the population of Leningrad in the most difficult winter conditions was successful. However, the case was not without casualties. Deaths occurred in all evacuation centers: Borisova Griva, Lavrov, Zhikharevo, Tikhvin, and even in wagons and cars. They made up a small percentage of the total number of evacuees. So, in the spring of 1942, in the immediate vicinity of Borisova Griva and in the village itself, 2813 corpses were discovered and buried. The burial took place at the Irinovsky and New cemeteries (23). According to the lists of doctors of the Tikhvin evacuation center for four months of 1942, from January to April inclusive, 482 people died in railway cars en route to Tikhvin. During the same time, 34 people died in the Tikhvin Infectious Diseases Hospital (24).

The Leningrad party organization, together with the evacuation center, took decisive measures to save people on the way. Required enhanced nutrition. Success, evacuation and rescue depended on regular meals on the way. human lives. The Soviet government, providing all possible assistance to the people of Leningrad, provided them with the necessary food funds.

By decision of the Military Council of the Leningrad Front, each evacuee at the Finland Station received a hot lunch and 500 g of bread. After lunch, before boarding the wagons, Leningraders received bread for the journey on special coupons at the rate of 1 kg per person (25). During the first period of mass evacuation, the Borisov Griva evacuation center supplied Leningraders with bread and soup. From February 23, 1942, food in Borisova Griva was stopped.

By this time, the evacuation center and motor transport battalions managed to arrange a quick transfer of people from railway cars to cars. In this regard, food bases were expanded beyond Lake Ladoga - in Zhikharevo, Lavrov and Kabon, Leningraders received a hot two-course dinner and 150 g of bread each. In addition, evacuation centers gave each person 1 kg of bread and 200 g meat products. Children under 16 years of age additionally received one bar of chocolate.

The head of the Tikhvin evacuation center, Korolkov, was ordered to give the evacuated Leningraders, in addition to a hot two-course dinner, dry rations, which consisted of 40 g of butter, 20 g of sugar and 500 g of bread. Children's echelons received dry rations and on the road (26). Funds for dry rations were issued by the People's Commissariat of Trade of the USSR, and funds for hot meals were issued by the Military Council of the Leningrad Front. Responsibility for food rested with the heads of evacuation centers.

The chairmen of the district evacuation commissions issued coupons for bread and hot meals to all evacuees. These coupons were strictly accounted for and registered on the back of evacuation certificates. Those leaving with passing cars received only coupons for hot meals.

Evacuation centers overcame significant difficulties in the timely supply of people with food. Particularly clear organization of work was required from the catering points in Volkhovstroy, where a huge number of people accumulated. So, in March April 1942, 2 canteens worked in Volkhovstroy. These canteens had six lunch points and four cash desks. Special responsibility was assigned to workers in the issuance of lunch coupons.

The evacuation center, in exchange for coupons for bread and hot lunches of the district commissions, gave each evacuee his own coupon for lunch and bread, according to which canteens were issued. According to these coupons, the consumption of products and the number of people arriving with the echelon were taken into account. After the departure of the echelon, the evacuation center took away coupons from the workers of the canteen. At the end of the day, a general count of coupons was made and an act was drawn up for the consumption of products. In order to prevent theft of food, coupons in form were changed daily in such a way that it was impossible to get lunch and bread on the coupon of the previous day.

In Volkhovstroy, as well as at other evacuation centers, in addition to a hot lunch, Leningraders received 1 kg of bread for the journey. In this regard, each echelon required up to 3 tons of bread, which had to be packaged in a timely manner. The trains, on the other hand, went one after the other, carrying from 12 to 16 thousand people daily (27).

From December 1, 1941 to April 15, 1942, the evacuation centers of Borisov Griva, Lavrovo, Kabona, Zhikharevo, Voybokalo and Volkhovstroy spent:

Bread - 928.4 tons
Cereals - 94.4 tons
Dry vegetables - 33.7 tons
Meat - 136.6 tons
Meat products - 144.2 tons
Fat - 62.2 tons
Sugar - 3.9 tons
Chocolate - 22.1 tons
Salt - 8.3 t
Tea - 113.0 kg
Vodka - 528 liters. (28)

The duty of the evacuation centers included not only the timely provision of food to people, but also the equipment of the wagons with bunks, stoves and windows. 13,561 wagons were equipped with the carriage section of Volkhovstroy alone: ​​7,876 furnaces and 11,000 chimneys were manufactured by the workers of the carriage section. For the arrangement of bunks and ladders for them, 123,650 boards had to be cut and used (29).

Boarding the cars took place at the stations of Zhikharevo, Kabona and Lavrovo. Each echelon took from 2500 to 3800 people. From these stations, trains to Volkhovstroy departed without a schedule, as the cars were loaded. The lack of equipped cars sometimes led to a large overload of trains and a huge crowd of people at the stations. So, on March 29, 8 thousand people gathered at the Lavrovo and Kabona stations, and on March 30 another 10 thousand (30) arrived at the same stations. To send these people, 7 echelons were required at the rate of 2,500 people each. There were cases when 50-65 people were placed in each car (31).

In Volkhovstroy, it was not always possible to attach additional wagons to the train and thus free the wagons from reloading. The lack of wagons here was felt even more. In addition, at Volkhovstroy station, trains were included in the timetable and they could not be delayed. At the same time, the reloading of wagons also occurred due to the lack of shunting locomotives for supplying wagons to the train.

Upon the arrival of each train at the station. Volkhovstroy employees of the first-aid post went around all the cars and filmed the weakened and sick. Patients were sent to the clinic and medical centers, where they underwent inpatient treatment. There were 1,495 such patients in Volkhovstroy during the entire period of evacuation. In addition, 6046 people received primary medical care directly in the cars (32).

In each car there was a headman appointed by the head of the echelon and the head of the evacuation center. These elders watched the order in the car, gave detailed information about the state of health of people in the Smolny and Narkomput, also brought to the attention of higher organizations about the delay in movement or lack of food.

The proximity of the front had an extremely negative effect on the work of the Northern Railway. Enemy aircraft constantly bombed the road and disabled it. So, for example, on March 29, all trains were delayed on their way to Tikhvin from 7:00 to 9:00 (33).

Loading into echelons was not always accompanied by fast movement through Vologda and other points of the country. The delay occurred mainly on the frontal section of the road. In the first days of April 1942, in the Volkhov-Efimovskaya section, the evacuation train traveled only 100 km in 78 hours. There were 2500 people in the cars, 900 of them were children. In his telegram to the People's Commissariat of Railways regarding the delay in traffic, the head of the echelon, Ulyamsky, wrote: “... We have been starving for the third day. 16 people died on the way. I ask for urgent measures” (34).

On April 5, in the name of A. A. Zhdanov, a telegram was received from Zaborye from the headman of the car Vasiliev, which read: “The evacuated train 406 received a dinner of one hundred and fifty grams of bread in the morning of the first. To this day, he receives neither food nor bread. People are dying along the way. Take urgent action” (35). In response to the telegram, A.N. Kosygin, Deputy Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars, who was in Leningrad at that time, ordered that 1 kg of bread be given to each passenger at the Volkhovstroy station.

The trains were delayed not only in the front line, but also at a considerable distance from the front. So, in the first half of April, it took 25-30 hours (36) to cover an insignificant distance between Babaevo and Cherepovets. The trains were delayed not only because of the bombing of the route by enemy aircraft, but also due to the overload of the road. The railway workers made desperate efforts to ensure the unhindered movement of trains with the evacuated population to the eastern regions of the country.

Evacuation centers at large railway stations, with their strict food limits, almost always could not fully satisfy the needs of passengers. The traffic jams formed along the way violated the train schedule and the normal operation of food points. In such cases, shop wagons came to the place of accumulation of echelons, which supplied people with food.

The perpetrators of negligent attitude to the business of evacuation were severely punished. So, the head of the passenger service of the Northern Railway Comrade. On March 31, 1942, Pronin was reprimanded in an order by the People's Commissariat of Railways "for the unsatisfactory provision of evacuation, systematic delays in the supply of trains and the departure of trains" (37).

Rhythm of work railway stations Zhikharevo, Kabona, Lavrovo, Tikhvin and Volkhovstroy also depended on the accuracy of the work of the Ladoga highway, which operated until April 21, 1942. The ice route played an exceptional role not only in the evacuation of the population of Leningrad, but also in supplying the city and the army with food and weapons. It transported 354,200 tons of cargo to Leningrad, including 268,400 tons of food (38).

Transport and railway workers, overcoming exceptional difficulties, honorably fulfilled the task assigned to them.

The archive of the fund (7384) of the Leningrad City Council contains numerous telegrams and telephone messages about the dispatch of special trains from the stations of Kabona, Zhikharevo and Lavrovo. Telegrams make it possible to imagine the life of these stations, full of incredible difficulties. It was at these stations that work of exceptional tension took place from the beginning of the blockade until April 15, 1942, when the evacuation was temporarily stopped.

Thus, thanks to the colossal efforts of party and Soviet organizations, evacuation centers, railway workers and military transport battalions, from January 22, 1942 to April 15, 1942, 554,463 people were evacuated into the interior of the country (39). This was the second, most difficult, period of evacuation.

The Defense Committee decided to evacuate 300,000 people from Leningrad during the navigation of 1942 (40). First of all, it was necessary to ensure uninterrupted reception in Kabony of the ships of the Ladoga flotilla. The existing pier number 5 in Kabony could not ensure the unloading of people and cargo. Therefore, the Military Council of the Leningrad Front ordered the construction of two small piers in a short time. The piers were equipped in such a way as to prevent the accumulation of people on them, because enemy aircraft conducted systematic reconnaissance and bombed. Cars were appointed to service the piers, which were supposed to immediately take people away from the spit.

According to the plan for the removal of the population from Leningrad, it was supposed to bring up to 10,000 people a day. Considering the impossibility of organizing a landing at the Kabona dead end for so many people, it was necessary to organize a second landing site at Lavrovo station. A dirt road was laid to drive up to the dead end of Lavrovo station. To serve the evacuation population in Kabony, a winter canteen was restored with a capacity of 10-12 thousand people per day. At the same time, 46 field-type boilers were equipped and four bakeries were repaired with a total bread baking of up to 16,000 kg per day. For shelter from bad weather, the evacuation population pitched 132 tents. The workers of the bus convoy and 400 porters settled in the forest with all outbuildings (41).

Transportation of people in June, July and August took place in conditions of exceptionally rainy weather. The rain washed out the roads and made traffic impossible. Transportation had to be carried out at night in order to shelter ships and people from enemy aircraft.

Separate transportation of people and luggage of the evacuees extremely complicated the work of the evacuation center in Kabony. People unloaded from the ships were forced to wait for their luggage up to 5-6 days. This circumstance led to a forced congestion of people. People demanded food for a longer period, which led to food overruns. Huge queues formed at the food points. At the end of July 1942, the cafeteria at Lavrovo station alone served up to 8,000–9,000 meals in excess of the norm daily (42).

In order to save food and eliminate unnecessary nervousness and confusion, the separate transportation of people and luggage has been cancelled. Evacuees were allowed to take their personal belongings on board the ship.

As a rule, things were unloaded from the ships and loaded onto trolleys and motor vehicles by the evacuees themselves, since the help from the workers' companies was extremely insufficient. To transport things, the pier had a motor locomotive, which, however, very often failed. In this case, the evacuees were forced to bring the trolleys with cargo to the end of the pier - to the place of departure.

Together with adults in the spring and summer of 1942, orphans were also evacuated. They were living witnesses to the death of their loved ones and experienced the horrors of destruction from bombing and artillery shelling. The physical and moral condition of the children urgently required a change in the situation and a change in living conditions.

Leningrad party and Soviet organizations did everything possible to alleviate the plight of orphaned children. Therefore, orphans who were in orphanages and baby homes were taken out in the first place.

In the autumn, after the completion of the mass evacuation of the population, the Soviet government allowed the removal of children under 12 years of age, whose parents were busy at work and could not leave Leningrad. Transportation of children was given special attention by workers of evacuation centers and transport workers.

Enormous difficulties could not prevent the successful implementation of the plan outlined by the Soviet government for the transportation of the population from Leningrad.

Thus, during the third evacuation period, 448,694 people were transported (instead of 300 thousand according to the plan) (44):

in May 1942 - 2334 people
June - 83993;
July - 227583;
August - 91642;
September - 24216;
October - 15586;
November - 3340.

From November 1, 1942, further evacuation of the population was stopped. Departure from Leningrad was allowed only in exceptional cases. special instruction City evacuation commission.

On November 1, the evacuation center at the Finland Station and the food service in Lavrovo stopped working. At all other evacuation centers, the staff of workers was reduced to a minimum. However, the evacuation of the population continued in 1943, until the final expulsion of the Nazi invaders from the Leningrad region.

The Leningrad city evacuation commission and all regional evacuation points were closed on January 1, 1944 in connection with the opening of a direct railway connection from Leningrad to Moscow.

Thus, during the war and blockade, 1,814,151 people were evacuated from Leningrad, including:
in the first period - 774876 people,
in the second - 509581 people,
in the third - 448694 people.

The solution to this exceptionally difficult task cannot be overestimated. The party apparatus of Leningrad showed exceptional perseverance and resourcefulness in the matter of saving people. Together with party workers, the workers of the Soviet apparatus also worked hand in hand. Thousands of Soviet patriots worked to save people from hunger, the horrors of war and the blockade at evacuation centers, railways, and highways. Success in solving this noble task was due to the organization of all the working people of the city and the soldiers of the Leningrad Front.

The evacuation of people from Leningrad made it possible to solve the second problem - improving the nutrition of the part of the population remaining in the city. The decrease in the number of people in the city has led to an increase in food supplies, continuously flowing through Lake Ladoga.

The evacuated Leningraders made up a smaller part of the city's population. According to the all-Union census in 1939, there were 3,191,304 people in Leningrad, including the population of Kolpino, Kronstadt, Pushkin and Peterhof (45). As a result of the occupation, part of the population of the Baltic states and the Karelian Isthmus was forced to remain in Leningrad. At the same time, there was a decrease civilian population due to evacuation and mobilization to the Soviet Army. As of August 1, 1941, there were 2,652,461 people in Leningrad and its suburbs, including: 921,658 workers and engineers, 515,934 employees, 747,885 dependents, 466,984 children (46). These people survived the blockade.

In the fierce struggle of the entire Soviet people against the Nazi invaders, Leningraders made a worthy contribution to the cause of the whole people. Leningraders, under the leadership of their party organization, accomplished the greatest feat in the Great Patriotic War. They fought for the conquests of October, for the happiness of the working people of the whole world, for the city of Russian glory and the center of advanced culture. They defended the cradle of the proletarian revolution. Of course, without the people's assistance to Leningrad, without the daily care of the Communist Party and the Soviet government, the defeat of the enemy near the hero city would have been impossible.

In a mortal battle with a hated enemy, the inhabitants of Leningrad and its suburbs showed mass heroism, courage and fortitude unparalleled in history. In the forefront of the fighters were the communists of Leningrad. The party organization acted as the organizer and inspirer of the defense of the city. It rallied all the working people of the city and directed their efforts towards a common goal - to victory over the enemy. The city's communists steadfastly endured all the difficulties of the blockade and, together with the entire population, suffered significant losses. “Seventeen thousand communists,” wrote A. A. Kuznetsov, “died of starvation, from artillery shelling and aerial bombardment, defending their beloved, native Leningrad” (47).

The great city suffered great sacrifices, but these sacrifices were not in vain. In the bloody and brutal struggle, the city survived. Leningraders defended him. They found the strength and ability to cope with the most unforeseen difficulties. The people of Leningrad withstood the trials that fell to their lot. Before the whole world, they demonstrated the unshakable steadfastness, courage and bravery of the Soviet people. The entire progressive world looked with admiration at this heroic defense of the city, in which in 1917 the banner of socialism was first hoisted. In a heavy battle on the Neva, the inhabitants of the city of Lenin won a complete victory over the enemy.

On January 15, 1944, the troops of the Leningrad and Volkhov fronts launched a decisive offensive and by January 27 finally liberated the great city of Lenin from the enemy blockade.

The struggle for Leningrad, which lasted about 900 days, ended with the complete defeat of the enemy troops. It facilitated further offensive operations in Karelia, Belarus and the Baltic states. After the victory, the heroic Leningraders successfully healed the wounds inflicted on the city by the war and blockade in a short time.

Notes

1.1 Nuremberg Trials. Collection of materials, vol. 1. Ed. 2nd. State. ed. legal literature, M., 1954, p. 269.
2. L. A. Govorov. In the battles for the city of Lenin. Articles 1941-1945 Military Publishing, L., 1945, p. 19.
3. Issues related to the coverage of hostilities on the distant and near approaches to Leningrad, the formation of militia divisions, the mobilization of the population to create defensive lines are beyond the scope of this work.
4. State Archive of the October Revolution and Socialist Construction of the Leningrad Region. Fund. City Evacuation Commission of the Leningrad City Council of Workers' Deputies, No. 330, op. 1, 1941, d. 10, l. 3 (further recording will be abbreviated).
5. State Archive of the October Revolution and Socialist Construction of the Leningrad Region. Fund. Executive Committee of the Leningrad City Council of Workers' Deputies, No. 7384, op. 17, 1941, d. 443, l. 103.
6. GAORSS LO, f. 7384, op. 13, d. 664, l. 3.
7. GAORSS LO, f. 7384, op. 17, d. 378, l. 292.
8. GAORSS LO, f. 330, op. 1, 1941, d. 5, l. 42.
9. A. V. Karasev. About the working people of Leningrad during the blockade. "Historical Archive", 1956, No. 6, p. 149.
10. E. Fedorov. Ice road. Goslitizdat, L., 1943, p. 59.
11. Ibid., pp. 65-66.
12. A. Fadeev. Leningrad during the blockade (from the diary). Ed. "Soviet writer", M., 1944, pp. 67-68.
13. Ibid., pp. 71-72.
14. GAORSS LO, f. 7384, about. 13, d. 660, l. 16.
15. A. V. Karasev. About the working people of Leningrad during the blockade. "Historical Archive", 1956, No. 6, p. 149.
16. GAORSS LO, f. 330, op. 1, 1942, d. 5, l. 2.
17. Ibid., d. 8, l. 2.
18. GAORSS LO, f. 330, op. 1, 1941, d. 8, l. 27, 29, 31.
19. Ibid., ll. 27, 29, 31.
20. Ibid., l. 19.
21. Ibid.
22. GAORSS LO, f. 330, op. 1, 1941, d. 8, l. 8.
23. Ibid., l. 38.
24. Ibid., op. 1, 1942. d. 154, l. 10.
25. Ibid., d. 131, l. 9.
26. Ibid., f. 7384, op. 17, 1942, d. 666, l. eleven.
27. GAORSS LO, f. 330, op. 1, 1942, d. 38, l. 12.
28. Ibid., 1941, d. 9, l. 32.
29. Ibid., 1942, d. 38, l. 4.
30. Ibid., f. 7384, op. 1, 1941, d. 677, l. 95.
31. Ibid., f. 330, op. 1, 1942, d. 38, l. 6.
32. GAORSS LO, f. 330, op. 1, 1942, d. 38, l. 9.
33. Ibid., f. 7384, op. 17, 1941, d. 677, l. 96.
34. Ibid., l. 21.
35. Ibid., l. 36.
36. Ibid., l. 51.
37. GAORSS LO, f. 7384, op. 17, 1941, d. 677, l. 65.
38. F. I. Sirota. Military organizational work of the Leningrad organization of the CPSU (b) during the Great Patriotic War. "Questions of History", 1956, No. 10, p. 29.
39. GAORSS LO, f. 330, op. 1, 1942, d. 5, l. 2.
40. Ibid., d. 38, l. 100.
41. GAORSS LO, f. 330, op. 1, 1942, d. 38, l. 101.
42. Ibid., l. 105.
43. Ibid., l. 114.
44. GAORSS LO, f. 330, op. 1, 1942, d. 40, ll. 6, 7.
45. GAORSS LO, f. 7384, op. 17, d. 456, l. 1.
46. ​​Ibid., l. 2. An accurate population count was made in connection with the introduction of a rationing system for food products.
47. A. A. Kuznetsov. The Bolsheviks of Leningrad on the defense of their native city. "Party construction", 1945, No. 9-10, p. 61.

During the war years, about 8 thousand people were evacuated to the Chernushinsky district, of which more than 2 thousand were children. They were forced to change their usual way of life, leave their homes, abandon their families. Life, or rather the war, ordered that they ended up in our land.

It was the 79th day of the war ... The enemy was getting closer and closer to Leningrad. There was a need for urgent evacuation of children and adults from the city on the Neva. The blockade of the city began, which lasted 872 days - until January 27, 1944.

In the besieged city (with suburbs), the mass evacuation of the population continued. It was carried out in 3 stages:

Stage 1 - from the end of June to September 1941. First of all, children were taken out. In general, in the most difficult conditions of the first two months of the war, it was possible to send 636 thousand soldiers to the rear areas of the country. Human.

2nd stage - from mid-September 1941 to April 1942. During this time, another 659 thou. Human.

3rd stage - from May to October 1942, when another 403 thousand troops were sent to the rear.Human.

On November 1, 1942, by decision of the Leningrad City Executive Committee, the evacuation of people was stopped. In total, from June 29, 1941 to April 1, 1943, 1 million 743 thousand were taken out of Leningrad. people, including 414 thousand children.

By combining the disparate information contained in the protocols of the plenums of the Perm Regional Committee, city committees and district committees of Perm and the region, in the collection of archival documents and in the fund of the Perm Party Archive, in reports on work with the evacuated population, we will get a real dramatic picture of the resettlement and accommodation of Leningraders in the Kama region: 20 October 1941, 20 thousand children from the Leningrad region and about 90 thousand children and adults from Leningrad arrive to us; within the Perm region by May 1942, 107,879 people evacuated from Leningrad were settled.

Evacuation to the Molotov region (as the Perm region was called in those years) began in the summer of 1941. Echelons arrived with evacuated enterprises, equipment, workers and their families from Ukraine, Belarus, the Moscow region, and Moscow. By the end of October 1941, the Molotov region was already loaded with evacuated enterprises, institutions, children of Ukraine and Moscow. The Molotov regional committee of the party and the regional executive committee once again reviewed the possibilities of the region, and on October 26 a telegram was sent to the authorized representative of the Leningrad City Council in Yaroslavl: "Molotovskaya agrees to accept 12 thousand." 25 thousand were sent. Of the 47 districts of the Molotov region, 19 were selected to accommodate Leningrad boarding schools and orphanages, including the Chernushinsky district.

The people of the district were faced with the task of creating all the conditions for a normal life for children in a new place, preserving their health, surrounding them with attention and care so that they study, do not feel lonely and abandoned.

On November 6, 1941, the first steamboat with Leningrad children arrived in Molotov, and others began to follow it. The last one arrived on November 12th. Frosts began, Kama got up. The steamboats that got stuck on the way were forced to disembark their little passengers at the Volga piers. From here, the children had to get to the Molotov region by rail.

Soon, trains with children began to arrive by rail to us at the Chernushka station. They came, sometimes unexpectedly, bringing cold, tired, and often sick children. The road in cold wagons contributed to diseases, measles was especially rampant. Each arriving echelon with children was met at the station by representatives of the evacuation center, district committee, and workers of the district committee of the party. They went around the wagons, helped arrange the sick, delivered dry rations, candles, and medicines. At any hour of the arrival of the train, the children were provided with boiling water and hot food. Harnessed sledges, wagons, firewood stood at the platform to take children to collective farms.

There, on the ground, in the villages and villages, everything was already ready to welcome the children. Children were placed in school buildings, in nurseries, in private homes, and often collective farmers simply took them to their families. This is how the children of the boarding school located in the village of Atryashka remember their meeting:

“As soon as the sleigh drove up to the porch, we were surrounded by collective farmers who had come running from all sides. The school watchman, fussing, began to take out the kids (among us there were 1.5 - 2 year olds) to her warm kitchenette. Her husband, Ivan Zotov, undressed the kids, put them on the Russian stove, and there, jokingly, laughing, treated them to seeds, warmed the frozen children. Collective farm women brought bread, milk, rutabaga, peas, and boiled potatoes from home. “Oh, my dears, how will you live in a foreign land now,” the women said, treating the children. And then they added: “Well, nothing, somehow you will settle down with us.”

And they took root, and not only got used to the new conditions of life, but with all their hearts they took a liking to the Urals and its kind, sweet people.

In this year of cruel trials

You gave us shelter here

You warmed the children of the distant,

Lost home comfort.

Dear Uralians, thank you!

We will not forget your worries.

The Urals became dear and beloved to us

The whole country sings songs about him,

So the pupils of the Taushinsky orphanage wrote in their collective poem.

Children were kept clean and tidy, menus were drawn up, calories were counted, as in peacetime. The children went to school, worked hard on the land. City children learned how to bake bread, harness horses, manage a plow, and perform various agricultural work. Their help for the collective farms was very valuable, in a hot time, any free hands came in handy.

The kids had real adult friends, their bosses. Each enterprise, institution, collective farm was assigned patronage over a boarding school, kindergarten or orphanage. The chefs were frequent guests, and the guys were always looking forward to their arrival or arrival. Concerts were prepared in advance, plays were staged, the children learned poems and songs. And adults, in turn, brought gifts: sweets, books, stationery, furniture, etc. "Thank you my dear! - wrote Lyusya Zheglova in the wall newspaper about the workers of the military plant No. 648, - after your visit, it became warm, cozy and light here ... "

A lot of strength, warmth and love were given to their pupils by educators and nannies. They replaced the children of their parents. “Dear Maria Gavrilovna! For us, you were a real mother, brought up, raised, educated. You have always been by our side…” – this is how the pupils of the Taushinsky orphanage wrote to their director Maria Gavrilovna Bubnova. By the decision of the Leningrad City Council in 1944, a number of residents of the Chernushinsky District were awarded Diplomas of the Executive Committee of the Leningrad City Council for their daily care of Leningrad children.

Leaving our hospitable land, the orphanage children sang:

Let's sing in our joyful march

How the war hardened the guys!

Became stronger, more confident, older,

This entry, like , is dedicated to the 71st anniversary of the complete lifting of the blockade of Leningrad, which is celebrated today. Unlike the first entry, where the blockade memoirs of Deborah Khotina were published (on December 19, 1941 she turned 20 years old), fragments of her memoirs about the evacuation from besieged Leningrad on February 9, 1942 are published here. For background and source of materials, see the previous entry:

Residents of besieged Leningrad collect water that appeared after shelling in holes in the asphalt on Nevsky Prospekt, photo by B.P. Kudoyarov, December 1941

BLOCKADE: EVACUATION FROM LENINGRAD

“I did not want to leave Leningrad by any means, I refused, despite the hunger, the cold and, by the way, the absence of an institute. The institute has left - where can I study? I say that I will not go. But Uncle Folya:
- How can you not go? You will go. I give you an escort! next winter we won't survive here. Look, we won't all be here. And I won't be, and he won't be...
...Where will I go then, if all of them are gone?...
Uncle Folya was adamant and said that I should go with his friend to Siberia. So what? And I, so to speak, grieving and suffering ...
But now the evacuation begins: how he issued, how he made an evacuation certificate - I don’t know, I don’t remember at all.
Here. So we moved to the evacuation ... And this small aluminum saucepan: millet porridge. An Indian girl gave us a little boiled porridge for the road ...
They gave me a sledge, a children's sleigh, and there I put my skinny bag of things, and there were the things of this comrade, Moisei Grigoryevich, and we drove from this house on Zhukovskaya Street. He came out to see us off, Uncle Folya, he even wiped away a tear, he felt sorry for me. The man was ugly...
And we went. So yes. Here we are dragging a sleigh and walking along Liteiny Prospekt, across the Liteiny Bridge, and I look and mentally say goodbye to the Peter and Paul Fortress, the spire over the Neva ... Will I ever see my city again in my life? ..."
........................................ ........................................ ........................................ ............................
blue space,
languid light,
And he knows a slice of bread,
Live or die.

Eyes would not look
Like stacked in a row
Little boys in overcoats
Woodpile lie.

And silent soldiers
Standing in front of the bridge
As if the candidates
In another - unearthly - hell.

From my mother's letter:
“Daughter!
Come on, let's try to discuss your blockade poem - how I see it.
The first 4 lines are excellent. And they are even clearly dated to the day (February 9, 1942) when my evacuation from Leningrad began. I really didn't want to leave, but I had to. And so I go with my guide and with a small sleigh across the Liteiny Bridge - to the Finland Station - and the day is such a “blue-sky”, and on the left, across the Neva - a spire Peter and Paul Fortress, and the heart shrinks sadly - do I really see in last time? All this was real. But the "boys in greatcoats" were not in front of the Kirov bridge, but on the other side of Ladoga. There I saw this "woodpile". But here it is very difficult to give a correct understanding of these unfortunate "boys" - why are they in overcoats, because they are not soldiers? What are they? The tragic page of the war - "labor reserves" - they had to be trained and replaced in the factories of workers who had gone to the front. I don’t know where they were recruited, they brought them from somewhere, they recruited someone from Leningrad schools. They were dressed in black overcoats - they warmed poorly, of course - but they could not feed. And so they began to send them out of the city along the “road of life” - did any of them arrive alive? And age was the most vulnerable. It's a pity for them terribly, it's still a pity - innocent children, senseless deaths. So, I saw the “woodpile” myself, although now I don’t imagine it so clearly; but we understand that it was not in Leningrad, but on the other side of the Ladoga, from where the one-month-long echelon journey began for me. What happened to those of the boys who got there alive, I don’t know, and somehow I didn’t read it. But here is the cry of the soul: now, a few years ago, I read it either in some newspaper, or in a collection, either poetry or prose, but I see it very clearly. In the spring, as always, ice went down the Neva. The Neva ice passed, and behind it the Ladoga ice. And on one of the ice floes - frozen into it - lies, arms outstretched - like Christ - a boy in a black overcoat. How he got on this ice floe - you can only invent, but you don’t need to do this. All the time I tried to find this description in newspapers and blockade collections - no, I did not find it. Let's take our word for it. (...)"

From mom's stories:

“Where have we come? To Finland Station. What am I leaving? On the train, country, so to speak. I need to get to the other side of Lake Ladoga. So we got out of the cars and got into the cars. Trucks: some covered with tarpaulin, and some just like that. Now we have already gone along the “Road of Life”, and at the end of the “Road of Life” we find ourselves in Voybokalo (in Zhikharevo) - we crossed the lake. We were driving on ice. By the way, those who traveled a month after us, they were no longer crossing on ice, but on water. And now, when we were already on the other side of Lake Ladoga, we were loaded into freight cars, in Russia they were called “calf cars”, in which bunks were equipped, they were two-story, and maybe somewhere three-story, and, it seems to me, maybe not in all the cars, but in the majority there were small stoves - stoves. But the walls, doors, ceiling were badly put together, so there was a lot of snow on our bunk beds. There was snow, there was snow. Tough journey. Having already left the hungry Leningrad, people continued to die from dystrophy, despite the fact that food stations were organized in some places along the way. And that's when our food cards began to operate, which we were supplied with back in Leningrad - travel cards, but simply, as people called them, "rice cards".
And people continued to die. They, the dead, were taken out of our cars, they should be buried, but what? Where? Deep snow. So they buried them in the snow, they buried them in the snow, simply. 6 people were soon taken out of our car. Thus, cemeteries were organized along the path of our train. I remember how a little girl, five months old, died. Oh, how she cried for a long time! How long she cried! Poor child. She certainly had pneumonia, I could already hear it from her cough. Where did they go with those wet diapers? She wants to eat, the mother gives her breasts, but there is nothing in her breasts. Well, at some stop it was taken out ...
Every living person at some time needs to cope with their needs. Of course, at some stops we jumped off our cars, but how to get back? Well, someone from the cars will stretch out his hand, help to get in. And if at this time sore legs, then it’s really bad.
My legs hurt, and I tried to take off my shoes to see what was wrong with my feet, and my shoes were so scuffed, but I couldn’t take them off: my legs hurt, and I couldn’t undress them. At one of the stops, Moses Grigoryevich, my fellow traveler, went to the first-aid post, a sister came, a medical sister, of course, she cut the remains of my shoes with scissors and freed my legs. It turned out that my feet were covered with purulent blisters and were very swollen - which is why they did not undress. She, of course, bandaged her legs with a bandage, bandaged the remnants of shoes to my feet ...
But soon we arrived in Novosibirsk. In Novosibirsk, we were met by relatives of Moisei Grigorievich. And immediately, right there at the station, they escorted us to the disinfection, in Russian it was called “vosheboyka”. Well, here they processed me along with my legs, and only after that they brought us to the relatives of Moisei Grigorievich. They were wonderful people, they shared their food cards with me. As they say, they put you to bed, covered you warmly, and at that time you yourself suffered! Their son was at the front, and for a long time there was no news from him, and only then it became known that he had died. They sheltered me, a stranger, but their child died somewhere. His last name was Yaroshevsky ...
Here I have risen heat, with suspicion of typhus, they put me in the infectious diseases hospital of the city of Novosibirsk, having shaved off my braids ... When they shaved my head for me, I recalled how my mother told how she had typhus, and they cut her head, and therefore, when they began cut my head, I even had some satisfaction that here I am - like a mother. It was very important for me to be like my mother. And this is not the only case that I want to be like a mother. Already in my later years, your dad and I came to Tartu, and we came to the university, and it was very important for me to go through these corridors, walk up these stairs, hold on to these railings - to be like my mother ...
I lay in a hospital in Novosibirsk for either 5 or 7 days, not knowing where my relatives were. Siberia is great! Where is my mother, where is my father - is unknown. And again good people, relatives of Yaroshevsky - they were medical workers - began to look for my parents. And while I was in the hospital, the district health or city health department was raised to my feet, some medical authorities were involved in the search for my parents, and by the end of my stay in the hospital they found that my mother worked in a hospital in the city of Barnaul, and it's 12 hours drive - and that's it, and my dad works in a hospital in the city of Kansk, but it's already far away, you can't get there .. They contacted Barnaul by phone, and my mom finally found out that I was alive, at 12 o'clock driving away from her.
They put me on the train and called my mother that I was going to her place. And I am going at this time on a train from Novosibirsk to Barnaul, and I don’t know anything. At night - for some reason we arrive at night - and so I go out onto the platform in the city of Barnaul, and someone is traveling with me in my own compartment, maybe he is a military man, so when I went out to the platform in Barnaul, he went out and looked to see if they met me, and if they did not meet me, he was ready to help me, to take me to his house to spend the night.
And I got out of my car onto the platform and stood, looking around. And now I see, from one door of the car to another door of another car, a little woman in a military overcoat runs and asks each conductor:
- You didn't bring a sick girl?
Well, of course, I was discharged from the hospital, so, of course, a sick girl. There are sleds, a harnessed horse, my mother took it in her hospital. The uncle, seeing that they were meeting me, said goodbye to me and left. Mom rushed to me and began to look at my eyes and all of me, because I was wrapped in God knows what, so it was that kind of meeting ... "

From Lily's memories:
“It all happened so unexpectedly. My mother and I felt ourselves in some kind of unreality ... The train was supposed to arrive at night, and here we are riding in a sleigh (they gave a horse to my mother in the hospital), trembling with excitement and fear, because we do not know what the state of Debochka's health is. And now there is a clearly imprinted picture in front of the inner eye: a snow-covered platform at night. Stopped train. A live Debochka comes out of the car, supported by some man, who immediately disappears, having handed over luggage to Debin's mother and me - a small backpack and a small handbag. Deba is very thin, in some kind of pointed earflap with fish fur, a battered winter coat, and on her feet are some kind of wide half-boots, half-chuni. She couldn't walk well. We put her in a sledge and brought her home to a hotly heated room. When we took off her “pointed” earflaps, we saw a shaved head, a thin face with large shining eyes. The legs were more difficult. The felt boots taken from them revealed a terrible picture. Feet and toes were in bandages not the first freshness. When, having soaked the bandages, we (that is, of course, mom) were able to unbind our legs, we saw horror ...!
Instead of fingers, there was a continuous purulent, foul-smelling mess on his feet - the result of frostbite when moving across Lake Ladoga in tight shoes. In Novosibirsk, where she ended up thanks to her uncle Folin's friend Yaroshevsky, she was admitted to the hospital. It was about gangrene. Doctors insisted on amputation of the legs. However, friends of Yaroshevsky (by the way, who had just received a funeral notice about the death of his son), the Belkins, as it turned out later, were also doctors, persuaded the hospital doctors to wait with the amputation. Debochka's legs were treated for a month, and she could already walk a little, stepping on her heels. The same Belkins (they are no longer alive, of course!) - God forbid their descendants and the descendants of the descendants of great, great happiness! So, the same Belkins, having made their way through all the obstacles, found the address of my mother's hospital, put Debochka on the train and sent a telegram to my mother. That's how people are!!"

From mom's stories:
“Well, now she led me to these sleds. They put me in these sledges, covered my legs with something and took me to the city of Barnaul, where my mother lived with Lilya, and even with Anna Antonovna in a small room - the windows were level with the ground. Lilya got up in the morning, went to open the shutters: they were closed at night, and peered into the room from the street. My bed was under the window. She opens the shutters, and I see her face: ruddy, cheerful, already jubilant - well, well, I arrived, after all! And I felt good."
From Lily's memories:
“At first, Debochka was in a state of euphoria. She talked a lot, laughed and still could not believe that she was alive - survived! She told me:
- Lilya, pinch me, please! Pinch harder. I want to make sure I'm alive. Do you think I'm alive?
I cried. And then came complete relaxation. She fell into depression, slept for days on end, was silent.
Back at the beginning of the year, when my mother was assigned to Barnaul, at the request of the head of the hospital, she had to visit Biysk, the capital, for some business for a couple of days. mountain Altai, famous for its incomparable honey, a very special smoked cheese soaked in butter, and pork fat - lard. From there, my mother brought some food. She considered these products emergency supplies. And she said, even when Debochka was in besieged Leningrad and it was not known whether she was alive:
- These products are N.C. When Debochka comes to us, we will feed her.
With what tenth maternal feeling, contrary to all logic, she could predict a happy outcome! And now honey, bacon, and especially wonderful Altai cheese, in addition, you could still buy sea buckthorn and get carrots on the market - all this gradually began to bring Debochka out of dystrophy and depression. Staying with her for a long time together, when my mother and everyone else was at work, we talked, each told about his life. True, she did not tell me about all the horrors of the blockade. We quietly sang our favorite songs. But when they sang a song from the movie "Treasure Island", in the place where it is sung:
"Where horses walk over corpses,
Where the whole earth was stained with blood
Let it help you, saves from bullets
My young love,” she looked into my eyes for a long time and asked:
- And where people walk over corpses?
Along with "Katyusha" we really liked the song "Favorite City". When we sang:
"Beloved city can sleep peacefully,
And see dreams, and turn green in the middle of spring,
- she suddenly raised herself from the pillow and asked, grinning sarcastically:
“So you can sleep peacefully, huh?”



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