Plenipotentiary Representative of the President in the Volga Federal District. Michael Babich. How to write a document

Appeal received by the Office of the Plenipotentiary Representative of the President Russian Federation, in the Volga federal district, considered.

A comment:

Thus, it is immediately clear that we have not received a response from the Plenipotentiary Representative of the President to the FIU (PPP in the FIU).

Apparently we won't. Alas.

Our appeal was considered and answered by the “apparatus”, which does not have the powers of the Plenipotentiary Representative of the President and does not perform its functions and cannot officially express the opinion of the Plenipotentiary Representative.

The facts described in your appeal deserve due attention. However, to solve your problem on regional level not possible because local authorities state power not endowed with all the powers, unlike federal bodies authorities. To do this, you need to apply through representatives in the State Duma from your district with the initiative to conduct the Federal Target Program, within the framework of which this environmental problem will be solved.

Comments:

1. The Office of the PPP in the Volga Federal District unequivocally recognizes that "The facts described in your appeal deserve due attention."

This attitude evokes our gratitude and gives rise to hope.

2. We accept the proposal to contact the deputy with gratitude and we will definitely contact you. At the same time, we are well aware that our deputies may support us, but it is at least naive to count on the responsiveness of other deputies of the State Duma. But it depends on them whether or not to be the proposed federal program.

We are not needed by our own (i.e., city and regional) deputies, so what can we expect from Moscow deputies?

However, you still need to apply.

3. In essence, the SPT apparatus in the FIU rejects any action by local authorities towards solving the problem, stating that “ local government authorities are not endowed with all powers” and that it is necessary to create and finance a special federal target program.

This is not entirely correct:

3.1. Such a statement removes any responsibility of local authorities for the state of the environment and its further deterioration. At least until the Federal Target Program starts working (in fact, what kind of responsibility can there be if they do nothing for a good reason - due to the lack of necessary powers?).

3.2. Such a statement removes any obligation of local authorities to do anything specific to improve the state of the environment (why really? They do not have “all powers”).

4. Recall that the essence of our problem is that:

4.1. The state of the environment causes reasonable concern among the population;

4.2. The policy of the authorities leads to a further increase in the technogenic load on environment causing further deterioration of her condition;

4.3. Residents do not receive the necessary protection from the authorities and other official bodies for their violated rights to a prosperous environment.

5. It is not clear how one can categorically state that it is not possible to solve “our problem at the regional level”?

It seems obvious to us that, in fact, our complex problem can be solved with the participation of authorities at all levels, each in its own area.

Indeed, the complete rehabilitation of the territory only by regional forces is fundamentally impossible. Too much and too long crap. And it is really necessary to raise the question of a federal target program. This is especially true for measures to rehabilitate territories that have been negatively impacted during the years of intense harmful chemical production for the defense of the country.

However, why can't (shouldn't) the regional authorities do anything to at least stop the deterioration of the situation?

6. Do all events require federal money?

Do we really need federal money for the local authorities to revise their policy, which is leading to further environmental degradation in the zone of influence of the eastern industrial hub?

Is it not possible at the regional level to solve the problem of designing and building a landfill outside the urban area, as required by federal and regional environmental legislation?

Is it impossible to organize constant monitoring of the state of the environment in the area of ​​influence of the eastern industrial hub without federal money?

Aren't the designers of a low-pressure dam obliged to carry out a forecast of its impact on the environment in the area of ​​settlements and numerous dumps of toxic industrial waste? Does this also require federal money?

Is federal money needed to ban the development of environmentally hazardous industries in the eastern industrial zone? Especially considering that it is this ban that is contained in the existing environmental legislation, which directly prohibits the construction of hazardous industries in places where the MPC has already been exceeded. harmful substances in the environment?

Do we really need federal money for a strict ban on excessive emissions of harmful substances into the environment and effective control over the implementation of this ban?

Is it not possible without federal money to establish such a procedure for enterprises to operate in adverse weather conditions that would exclude an increased flow of harmful substances into the territory of settlements?

Isn't it possible to complete the project of construction of a solid waste landfill outside the urban area without federal money? And isn't the regional government obliged to comply with its own laws that directly prohibit the placement of solid waste in urban areas? Do you need federal money to comply with the requirements of regional legislation?

Do you really need federal money to ensure that the owner of a solid waste landfill located in the city territory complies with the current instructions and ensures the operation of the landfill without fires and other harmful influence on the environment?

Does it take federal money to force a private enterprise () in full compliance with current environmental legislation to design and begin construction of its commercial landfill outside the city?

Is federal money needed to build paved roads in settlements located in contaminated areas to reduce the further harmful effects of suspended contaminated dust on residents?

Is federal money needed for measures to restore the green zone around the eastern industrial hub?

Do you also want to clean up wild landfills in our forests around the landfill for federal money?

The list of such questions can be continued.

It is obvious that all this will simply not be allowed into the Federal Program.

To carry out these activities, the good will of the local and regional authorities is necessary to conscientiously fulfill their mission - to act in the interests of the population and strictly in the legal field of the Russian Federation.

The Office of the Plenipotentiary Representative of the President of the Russian Federation in the Volga Federal District is not a supervisory structure, and also does not perform the functions that, under the law, are assigned to executive bodies subjects of the Russian Federation, local governments, prosecutors, law enforcement agencies and courts of the Russian Federation.

Comments:

1. Indeed, the SPT apparatus in the FIU should not perform the functions assigned to other self-government bodies, the prosecutor's office and the courts. But he is also not entitled to perform the functions of an authorized representative of the President of the Russian Federation.

The piquancy of the situation lies in the fact that the residents did not turn to the APPARATUS of the plenipotentiary at all and do not rely on it. The device is the device.

2. Residents turned to the authorized representative of the President of the Russian Federation, and not to his staff, rightly believing that their requests are formulated in full accordance with the "Regulations on the Plenipotentiary Representative of the President of the Russian Federation ...".

In particular, paragraph 5 of the “Regulations…” is worded as follows (quote) “5. The main tasks of the authorized representative are: - organization in the relevant federal district of work on the implementation by state authorities of the main directions of internal and foreign policy states determined by the President of the Russian Federation; -organization of control over the execution in the federal district of decisions of federal government bodies; …».

As we understand, the “main directions of the internal ... state policy ... determined by the President of the Russian Federation” include the current environmental legislation and the environmental doctrine of Russia, which are signed by the President of the Russian Federation and are aimed at protecting the environment and observing the constitutional right of a citizen of the Russian Federation to a favorable environment. It is the President who is the supreme guarantor of the Constitution of the Russian Federation.

It also seems to us that it is precisely the requirement from the relevant authorities that the proper “... control over the execution in the federal district of the decisions of the federal bodies of state power "we had the right to expect from the plenipotentiary representative of the President in the Pension Fund of the Russian Federation.

To the subjects of authorities local government, include municipal housing stock, municipal roads, local energy, water and heat supply systems, planning and development settlements, improvement and sanitary well-being, local communications systems, public utilities, municipal transport, etc.

A comment:

1. That is how we understand the distribution of jurisdiction between the governing bodies.

It is precisely these functions that we demand from local self-government bodies. It is these functions in terms of ensuring the reduction of technogenic pressure on the environment that the authorities do not perform properly.

It is the unwillingness of local authorities to implement environmental legislation that we complain about.

2. But we did not ask to perform these functions of an authorized representative - we asked him to demand their implementation, in accordance with the available powers.

The essence of our appeal to the PPP in the FIU lies precisely in the fact that we are complaining to the authorized representative of the President about the violations of federal and regional environmental legislation in his “kingdom”.

And to whom should we complain about the violation of environmental legislation, about the insecurity of our right to an environmentally friendly environment, that is, about violations of the main directions domestic policy? Especially after we have not received proper protection from the environmental prosecutor's office and local authorities up to the regional?

3. Of course, there are courts, there is a prosecutor's office.

However, the courts are both a long procedure and a lot of money, which, of course, we do not have.

And over the past years, the prosecutor's office has already clearly shown that it does not want to deal with our problems. She does not want to respond to obvious violations of environmental legislation by business (owners of landfills) and the authorities supporting this business.

4. Of course, the PFR apparatus in the FIU understands all this very well.

Protection of civil rights and interests, including those violated, is carried out by interested parties independently, by the methods specified in Article 12 of the Civil Code of the Russian Federation, or by the court, as follows from the provisions of Article 11 of the Civil Code of the Russian Federation.

A comment:

In other words, we are told that NOBODY has anything to do with the problem except us.

But this doesn't seem to be true.

Indeed, Article 11 of the Civil Code of the Russian Federation defines the right of citizens to independently protect their civil interests.

However, this does not exclude the right of citizens to other means of protection.

And we are essentially being told - respected citizens in a state of law, read carefully the Civil Code (Articles 11 and 12) and defend yourself - do everything yourself:

Protect yourself from environmental aggression. The prosecutor's office and supervisors, which are supposed to monitor compliance with the law and established standards, will not help;

Protect yourself from bandits and thieves. The police, who are supposed to fight them, will not help;

Protect yourself from external enemies. The army, intelligence agencies, etc., which are supposed to protect the country, will not help. If anything, God forbid, happens, the people will again raise the cudgel of anger, saving themselves;

Protect yourself from economic crimes. Police, prosecutors, UBEPs will not help;

Fight for your pensions. No one will help, as it turned out, even the Constitutional Court.

Lord God! Are the state institutions, which exist well on the money of the people, not at all obliged to protect the people?

The Federal Law of January 1, 2001 “On the General Principles of Organizing Local Self-Government in the Russian Federation” states that local self-government bodies and local self-government officials are responsible to the population of the municipality, the state, individuals and legal entities in accordance with the law.

Mikhail Babich - prominent Russian politician, whose activities in almost every post were accompanied by loud scandals. However, this did not prevent the rapid career growth an energetic official whose firm grip and penetrating power are recognized even by ill-wishers.

Childhood and youth

The future politician was born on May 28, 1969 in Ryazan. His father was a paratrooper officer, and little Misha dreamed of following in the footsteps of his parent, but after school he was not accepted into the Ryazan Airborne School for health reasons. The young man submitted documents to the communications school and successfully graduated, after which he nevertheless joined the ranks of the Airborne Forces.

Mikhail Babich

As the saying goes official version biography, Mikhail Viktorovich Babich took part in the fighting in Chechnya. He served in the army until 1994 and retired with the rank of colonel. Later, already a statesman, Babich received a law degree in Moscow and studied at the State Academy of Management.

Business

Returning to the "citizen", the former colonel took up business. After 4 years, he was already in charge of three companies, among which was the famous Rosmyasomoltorg, which supplied food Russian army. The name of this company is associated with a scandal that led to the initiation of a criminal case.


The company's management was accused of embezzling 2 billion rubles proceeds from the sale program humanitarian aid from USA. Mikhail Babich, who received the nickname The Butcher from the media during the proceedings, denied his guilt and claimed that the case was fabricated by competitors. As a result, the head of one of the intermediary firms, Dmitry Ilyasov, was found guilty.

Political career

In the late 90s, Mikhail Viktorovich joined the ranks statesmen, having received the position of deputy unitary enterprise on regulation of food markets in Moscow. He worked there until 2000, after which he joined the campaign headquarters of Boris Gromov, where he solved financial issues.


When Gromov won the election, Babich became deputy chairman of the government of the Moscow region. Six months later, he was accused of gross violation of labor standards and fired. Babich had to be reinstated through the court, but proving his case, he immediately wrote a letter of resignation.

After his dismissal, Mikhail Viktorovich moved to the Ivanovo region, where he received the post of vice-governor in the local administration. The head of the region, Vladimir Tikhonov, favorably reacted to the new Moscow specialist, noting Babich's excellent economic thinking and his ability to raise money, but there were also those who did not like this appointment: they accused the vice-governor of pursuing personal interests and excessively harsh treatment of opponents.

The two-year stay in the new position was also not without scandals. The first of them flared up when Mikhail Babich supported the purchase of shares in the local distillery by a large alcohol company, and the second - when it became clear how much money was spent on the maintenance of the residence of the Ivanovo region in Moscow (the amount of 5 million rubles was huge for the local budget).

If in the first case the prosecutor's office did not find anything illegal in the actions of the official, then the second case almost ended in arrest. The governor stood up for his subordinate and filed a complaint, after which Babich was excluded from the list of suspects.


In November 2002, Mikhail Viktorovich moved to Chechnya and headed the new government there. The appointment of a Russian official to this post was explained by the need to mitigate the contradictions within the republic. He stayed at this place for a little over a year and wrote a letter of resignation. According to the Izvestia portal, the cause was a conflict with. After that, Babich took the post of assistant and was elected to the State Duma under the United Russia quota.

In 2011, Vladimir Putin appointed him as his representative in the Volga Federal District. Vladimir Babich served as plenipotentiary for 7 years. It was the solid political weight of the former colonel that ultimately helped resolve internal conflicts in the leadership of the Nizhny Novgorod region, which ended in the resignation of the governor Oleg Sorokin.


Babich contributed to the appointment to this position. In an interview on his official website, he called him "a good tenacious person" and made it clear that he considers this a good personnel decision. Also, during the leadership of Babich, several large-scale anti-corruption campaigns were carried out, after which the former governors of Udmurtia and Mari El were arrested.

The merits of Mikhail Babich as the Plenipotentiary Representative of the President were highly appreciated by colleagues, including the Minister of Education and Science of the Russian Federation, the head of Bashkortostan and the Minister of Construction and Housing and Public Utilities Mikhail Men.

Income

When summing up the results for 2017, among all presidential envoys, Babich turned out to have the most modest income. He was in last place on the list with the amount of 6.5 million rubles, which is 93 thousand more than the results of last year. The Babich spouses and children own two apartments - 177 and 55 square meters. According to the declaration, the family members do not have a single car.

Personal life

Mikhail Viktorovich is married. His wife Galina worked at Probusinessbank. They are the parents of two children. The eldest son Alexander is an entrepreneur, the younger Artem is a schoolboy, studying in one of the elite educational institutions in Moscow.

Babich does not advertise information about his family, and it is almost impossible to find accurate information about his personal life.

Mikhail Babich now

In mid-2018, rumors began to swirl in the political environment about the resignation of Babich. He was promised a place in the Office of the President, the post of assistant for Ukraine and other prominent positions. In August 2018, Mikhail Babich was appointed Russian Ambassador to Belarus. The official Instagram account of the Embassy of Belarus in Russia published a photo of Babich with the Ambassador of the Republic to the Russian Federation Igor Petrishenko and congratulated him on new position.


This is the first diplomatic appointment of Mikhail Viktorovich in his entire political career. It was originally planned that he would become an ambassador in Kyiv, but Ukraine did not accept him. Now Mikhail Viktorovich refuses to comment on his appointment, specifying that he has yet to sort out the situation.

Awards

  • 2017 - Order of Merit for the Fatherland, III degree
  • 2014 - Order of the Holy Prince Daniel of Moscow III degree
  • 2011 - Order of Merit for the Fatherland, IV degree
  • 2010 – Certificate of honor President of the Russian Federation - for merits in lawmaking and the development of Russian parliamentarism
  • 2006 - Order of Friendship
  • Medal of Honor"
  • medal "In memory of the 850th anniversary of Moscow"
  • Honorary Diploma of the Government of the Russian Federation
  • Medal "For Strengthening the Combat Commonwealth"
  • medal "For Distinction in Military Service", 1st class
  • named weapon

Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the Russian Federation to the Republic of Belarus.
Acting State Councilor of the Russian Federation, 1st class, 2012.
Candidate of Economic Sciences, Member of the United Russia party.

Mikhail Babich was born on May 28, 1969 in the city of Ryazan. In 1990 he graduated from the Ryazan Higher Military Command School of Communications named after Marshal Soviet Union M.V. Zakharov. From 1990 to 1994 he served in the Airborne Forces and the troops of the KGB of the USSR.

From 1995 to 1998, he headed ZAO Antey Corporation in Moscow. In 1998 he graduated from the Faculty of Law of the Moscow Institute of Economics, Management and Law. In 2000 - the State Academy of Management, in 2005 - the faculty of retraining and advanced training of the Military Academy General Staff Armed Forces of the Russian Federation. Candidate economic sciences.

Mikhail Viktorovich began his career in 1995, taking up entrepreneurship. Until 1998, he headed ZAO Antey Corporation in Moscow. In 1998-1999, he was the first vice-president of the Rosmyasomoltorg company, and at the same time he was the chairman of the supervisory board of Shuisky calico OJSC.

In 1999, Mikhail Babich moved to the civil service. From 1999 to January 2000 he was the first deputy CEO SUE " federal agency on regulation of the food market" under the Ministry Agriculture and food of the Russian Federation.

In 2000-2001 - First Deputy Chairman of the Government of the Moscow Region for the financial and economic block. Since 2001 - First Deputy Head of the Administration of the Ivanovo Region and Head of the Regional Representative Office in Moscow. From November 2002 to February 2003 - Chairman of the Government of the Chechen Republic. In July 2003, he was appointed Assistant to the Minister of Economic Development and Trade of the Russian Federation.

From 2003 to 2011, Mikhail Viktorovich was elected a deputy State Duma IV, V and VI convocations. First, in the Kineshma single-mandate constituency No. 81 - Ivanovo region, and then according to the list of the United Russia party. He was Deputy Chairman of the Defense Committee and a member of the Commission for the Review of Budget Expenditures Aimed at Ensuring the Defense and State Security of the Russian Federation.

Babich Mikhail December 15, 2011, was appointed Plenipotentiary Representative of the President in the Volga Federal District, and on December 29, by Decree of the President of the Russian Federation, he was appointed Chairman of the State Commission for Chemical Disarmament.

On January 19, 2012, Mikhail Viktorovich was awarded the class rank of Acting State Councilor of the Russian Federation, 1st class.

President of the Russian Federation Vladimir Putin, on August 24, 2018, appointed Mikhail Babich Ambassador of the Russian Federation to Belarus.

Mikhail Babich awards

Order of Merit for the Fatherland, III degree (2017)
Order of Merit for the Fatherland, 4th class (August 12, 2011)
Order of Honor
Order of Friendship (July 25, 2006) - for Active participation in lawmaking and many years of conscientious work
Medal of Honor"
medal "In memory of the 850th anniversary of Moscow"
Honorary Diploma of the President of the Russian Federation (January 9, 2010) - for merits in lawmaking and the development of Russian parliamentarism
Honorary Diploma of the Government of the Russian Federation
Medal "For Strengthening the Combat Commonwealth"
medal "For Distinction in Military Service", 1st class
named weapon
Order of the Holy Right-believing Prince Daniel of Moscow III degree (August 28, 2014) - in consideration of the help of the Nizhny Novgorod diocese and in connection with the 45th anniversary of his birth

The large-scale personnel changes of the past week made a number of regions and serious departments shudder. Russian President Vladimir Putin in Once again implemented the principle of staff rotation in practice. This time, the change of composition is not taking place according to the classical canons at all - despite the proximity of the federal elections, both the heads of regions and the key coordinators of processes in the territory - the presidential plenipotentiaries - are changing. At the same time, the most violent reaction was caused by the news about the possible change of the plenipotentiary representative in the Volga Federal District, Mikhail Babich.

Despite the fact that most experts agree that these personnel decisions at the federal level have been ripe for a long time, they came as a surprise to many. Among journalists and political scientists, mass personnel changes in the last week of July have already been dubbed "volley".

Prompt and well-thought-out personnel decisions are the signature style of the President of Russia

New leaders took up positions in four constituent entities of the Russian Federation at once: strategically important Sevastopol, in the Kaliningrad, Yaroslavl and Kirov regions. Of the quite expected, perhaps, only the last - after with Nikita Belykh, the region was tensely waiting for a new leader.

Besides, Vladimir Putin replaced four presidential plenipotentiaries in the federal districts. Former governor of the Kaliningrad region Nikolay Tsukanov was appointed presidential envoy to the Northwestern Federal District. In this post, he replaced the plenipotentiary with Nizhny Novgorod roots Vladimir Bulavin, which, as a result of reshuffles, the federal department of the Customs Service at a difficult and responsible moment for it.
The peninsula of Crimea has now officially become part of the Southern Federal District, which was headed by the former Prosecutor General and Minister of Justice Vladimir Ustinov.
Plenipotentiary of the President in Crimea Oleg Belavintsev received an equivalent assignment to the Caucasus.
Now the former governor of Sevastopol Sergey Menyailo appointed Presidential Envoy to the Siberian Federal District.

It is obvious that the main personnel decision was made by the head of state already towards the end of the cannonade of high-profile resignations and appointments. If all other decisions went around and around Ukraine, then the latter concerned it in the closest and most direct way. Key moment concerned specifically the Volga Federal District, or rather, its first person.
Vladimir Putin has prepared a reset of the diplomatic course between Russia and the Independent.


The social feast is over

The rumor that personnel news has not been exhausted appeared in a number of media outlets on Thursday evening at last week. And already on Friday, a number of sources confirmed that the candidacy of the Volga plenipotentiary Mikhail Babich flawlessly passed to the post of Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of Russia to Ukraine in both chambers of the Russian parliament.

Recall that in this post, the current Volga Plenipotentiary Representative can replace Mikhail Zurabov. Many experts note that in the new realities of relations between Russia and Ukraine, Zurabov turned out to be unable to conduct a constructive dialogue between the parties. The aggravation of relations between the two fraternal countries in last years is largely uncontrollable. And here soft diplomacy no longer works. The dead-end path of negotiations resembles a conversation between a blind man and a deaf-mute. The new figure in the foreign policy arena should embody and new way clear agreements between countries on a number of important economic, intercultural and political issues.

Together with Mikhail Babich, diplomacy with muscle goes to Ukraine

Such a character is fully personified by Mikhail Babich, a native of law enforcement agencies, an experienced apparatchik who diplomatically proved himself at public service in Russia. Many international experts at the federal level took the news of the possible new appointment of Babich with enthusiasm, emphasizing that such a candidacy of the Russian ambassador to Ukraine is really capable of doing a lot to improve relations between the two countries. But, as usual, there were opponents. First of all, from the Ukrainian side, and secondly, in Russia itself.

The news that Mikhail Babich may soon change his place of work has become a litmus test both on the Ukrainian side and within the country. In Square, as expected, the potential ambassador was greeted with tubs of dirt long before the appointment. The information background, previously created in Russia around the figure of Babich, echoed on the banks of the Dnieper with the echoes of dirty publications and compromising evidence, which in its assessments had nothing to do with the biography of the Volga presidential envoy.
On the Volga, these notes were quickly picked up by Babich's political opponents.

It's no secret that the story of the presidential envoy in the Volga Federal District has become very uncommon for the inhabitants of the Volga region. Sergei Kirienko, Alexander Konovalov, Grigory Rapota. The narrow circle of Mikhail Babich's predecessors was strikingly different in their manner and ideas about the tasks of the presidential plenipotentiary.

Kiriyenko was hyperpoliticized and focused on the Nizhny Novgorod region, where he lived and began his career.
Konovalov turned out to be removed from worldly affairs, but rather a systemic functionary.
Rapota quickly fell under the influence of local elites and the atmosphere of the right wing of the White House of the Nizhny Novgorod Kremlin.

For 4.5 years in his high-ranking status, Mikhail Babich managed to achieve the almost unbelievable: he evened out the subjects of the district politically, without giving any of them a special status. He spent most of his time on endless business trips and meetings around the district. His circle was mostly far from small-town politics (for which the small-town politics could never forgive him).

The fact is that it was Babich who first denied the Nizhny Novgorod region the status of "beloved wife."

Like any rejected woman Nizhny Novgorod Region she could not forgive the plenipotentiary, who did not single her out among Tatarstan, Udmurtia, Penza and other regions, objectively assessing the development of the subjects and, if possible, not interfering in the political squabbles of local princes. The only moment when the plenipotentiary made his first and, apparently, already the last political statement on Nizhny Novgorod land, concerned the scandalous situation of confrontation between the incumbent governor Valeria Shantseva and his henchmen at the head of the regional center - Oleg Sorokin And Oleg Kondrashov. Then Mikhail Babich expressed his opinion in local politics, which was happily picked up by the local media.

Thanks to the plenipotentiary, at a critical moment in the internecine war of the city and region, the status quo for the current head of the region was staked out at the federal level

But the scraping resentment of the dubious characters of the local political elite, as you know, hid for a long time. Is it worth saying that both addressees of the unflattering definition of the plenipotentiary at one time became defendants in high-profile and dubious corruption and even criminal cases? Nevertheless, the tough and principled position of the president's representative was and still is not to the liking of many of these characters, with whom the local elite is generously impregnated.

They greeted the new possible appointment of Mikhail Babich with no less impudent rustle than in the radical Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine.
I would not like to draw the image of the enemy when we are talking about striving for a constructive peace, but it is precisely this definition that comes to mind, and not only in an aggressive political junta outside Russia, but also inside the country.

Babich was on the Volga - just the kind of fish that is needed so that crucian does not doze

Many experts note that the choice of the head of state in favor of a new ambassador speaks of special trust in Mikhail Babich. Relations with Ukraine today are put at the forefront of the country's foreign policy and largely determine the economic situation in Russia. Today, too much depends on how effectively the dialogue between the two countries will be built.

Chairman of the State Duma Committee on CIS Affairs Leonid Slutsky has already given his assessment of the possible appointment: he is sure that “Mikhail Babich is a very strong candidate and he will do a lot to ensure that the extremely difficult relations between the countries begin to improve in accordance with common sense". At the same time, urging not to accept criticism of the candidacy of the new Russian ambassador from the Verkhovna Rada, because marginalized political parties they will not accept any candidate that comes from Moscow, creating PR for themselves among their electorate.

Information that the Russian President intends to send a new ambassador to Ukraine has already received a portion of negative assessments. Anticipating the official procedure for the approval of the Ukrainian side, on July 29, Moscow received Kyiv's preliminary consent (agrement) for the appointment of Mikhail Babich.
So far, no official response from the Ukrainian side has been received.

For those who are jealous, this is how the residence of the Russian ambassador to Ukraine looks out of status today. It will take a lot of effort to change this.

It is worth recalling that the procedure for appointing a new ambassador can take quite a long period of time. If you remember the situation when in place Viktor Chernomyrdin interceded Mikhail Zurabov, the period from the resignation of the ambassador to the presentation of a new credentials lasted from July 9, 2009 to January 25, 2010. Then Russia lived for more than six months without a plenipotentiary ambassador to Ukraine, and, in general, nothing happened. Of course, the current situation hardly tolerates such delays.

However, for those who have already managed to show their grin at the current plenipotentiary and probably the future Russian ambassador to Ukraine, the time has not yet come to rejoice. And it’s not a fact that such a time will come for them at all.


Mikhail Babich in any outfit knows how to hit the target. How to go to this goal in the shortest ways

Photo: om-saratov.ru, newsru.ua, gfi56.pfo.ru, pravdapfo.ru, penzanews.ru, qwas.ru, vladnews.ru, publikatsii.ru, penzanews.ru

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